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Here is the code to copy and paste # Make all requests have the www. in them RewriteEngine on RewriteCond %{HTTP_HOST} ^websitename\.com RewriteRule ^(.*)$ http://www.websitename.com/$1 [R=permanent,L] In this quick web development tip Adam Khoury of Flash Building discusses the apache method of forcing script connection in case the www is missing from a URL that requires it for script connection.

A Spiritual Tip regarding the Holy month of Rajab by Imam Khamenei Many inquire about spiritual tips for spiritual wayfaring, spiritual elevation, and spiritual journey. Imam Khamenei gives one out in this clip. #Rajab #Shaban #Ramadhan

Homemade ginger garlic paste recipe(Adrak lasan Paste). Make life in the kitchen easy and economical with this new recipe. #HappyCookingToYou Written Recipe: Visit Our Website: https://www.foodfusion.com Download iOS & Android app: https://www.foodfusion.com/app Facebook: https://facebook.com/foodfusionpk Instagram: https://instagram.com/foodfusionpk Twitter: https://twitter.com/foodfusionpk Also Follow @Healthy Fusion & @Food Fusion Kids for healthy food & kids special recipes. Ginger Garlic Paste Recipe in English: Ingredients: -Adrak (Ginger) peeled & cubed 150 gms -Lehsan (Garlic) peeled 250 gms -Namak (Salt) 1 tsp -Oil 2 tbs -Oil 1 tsp Directions: -Wash & pat dry ginger and garlic properly. -In chopper,add ginger,garlic,salt,oil and chop until well combined. -Add ginger garlic paste in dry & clean jar,add oil & store for up to 8-10 days in refrigerator shelf. -Add ginger garlic paste in ice cube tray and can also be stored up to 1 month in freezer. Tip: -Don’t put it on refrigerator’s door. Recipe in Urdu: Ajza: -Adrak (Ginger) peeled & cubed 150 gms -Lehsan (Garlic) peeled 250 gms -Namak (Salt) 1 tsp -Oil 2 tbs -Oil 1 tsp Directions: -Adrak aur lehsan ko dho ker ache tarhan pat dry ker lein. -Chopper mein adrak,lehsan,namak aur oil dal ker ache tarhan chop ker lein. -Adrak lehsan paste ko dry & clean jar mein dal ker upper sa oil dal dein aur 8-10 din kliya refrigerator ki shelf mein store ker saktay han. -Adrak lehsan paste ko ice cube try mein dal dein aur freezer mein 1 month tak store ker saktay han. Tip: -Refrigerator ka door mein na rakhein.

Flash Animated Vines Floral keyframe masking tutorial - Mask Tip Source - http://www.developphp.com

Etiquettes of the holy Qur\'an 2 | Islamic Etiquettes (Adaab) Series This session: - Applying Tooth Brush - Accent, Tajwid, Tone, Voice - Receiving Praise or Income VS Guidance - How many verses should I recite daily? - A Tip for Enhanced Spirituality Hujjatul Islam Haq Panah is a Howza teacher in Qom, Iran.

This session: - Help your travel companions - Serving the travelers - Journey of Imam Sajjad (A) - Repelling difficulties of life - Tip for making death easy for us - Attaining the pleasure of Allah Hujjatul Islam Haq Panah is a Howza teacher in Qom, Iran.

Ayatollah Khamenei narrates a hadith in which the Imam (A) gives us a tip of a special prayer for granting of prayers.

Just in time for the occasion. Now make your own ginger garlic paste, papaya paste and fried onions with these 3 simple cooking hacks. #HappyCookingToYou 3 Time Saving cooking Hacks Ginger Garlic Paste Recipe in English: Ingredients: -Adrak (Ginger) peeled & cubed 150 gms -Lehsan (Garlic) peeled 250 gms -Namak (Salt) 1 tsp -Oil 2 tbs -Oil 1 tsp Directions: -Wash & pat dry ginger and garlic properly. -In chopper,add ginger,garlic,salt,oil and chop until well combined. -Add ginger garlic paste in dry & clean jar,add oil & store for up to 8-10 days in refrigerator shelf. -Add ginger garlic paste in ice cube tray and can also be stored up to 1 month in freezer. Tip: -Don’t put it on refrigerator’s door. Recipe in Urdu: Ajza: -Adrak (Ginger) peeled & cubed 150 gms -Lehsan (Garlic) peeled 250 gms -Namak (Salt) 1 tsp -Oil 2 tbs -Oil 1 tsp Directions: -Adrak aur lehsan ko dho ker ache tarhan pat dry ker lein. -Chopper mein adrak,lehsan,namak aur oil dal ker ache tarhan chop ker lein. -Adrak lehsan paste ko dry & clean jar mein dal ker upper sa oil dal dein aur 8-10 din kliya refrigerator ki shelf mein store ker saktay han. -Adrak lehsan paste ko ice cube try mein dal dein aur freezer mein 1 month tak store ker saktay han. Tip: -Refrigerator ka door mein na rakhein. Raw Papaya Paste Recipe in English: Ingredients: -Kacha papita (Raw papaya) 500 gms -Namak (Salt) 1 tsp -Oil 3 tbs Directions: -Wash & pat dry raw papaya properly,deseed and cut into cubes. -In chopper,add raw papaya cubes,salt,oil and chop until well combined. -Add raw papaya paste in dry & clean jar & store for up to 8-10 days in refrigerator shelf. -Add raw papaya paste in ice cube tray and can also be stored up to 1 month in freezer. Tip: -Don’t put it on refrigerator’s door. Recipe in Urdu: Ajza: -Kacha papita (Raw papaya) 500 gms -Namak (Salt) 1 tsp -Oil 3 tbs Directions: -Kacha papita ko dho kerache tarhan pat dry ker lein. -Chopper mein kacha papita,namak aur oil dal ker ache tarhan chop ker lein. -Kacha papita paste ko dry & clean jar mein dal dein aur 8-10 din kliya refrigerator ki shelf mein store ker saktay han. -Kacha papita paste ko ice cube try mein dal dein aur freezer mein 1 month tak store ker saktay han. Tip: -Refrigerator ka door mein na rakhein. Fried Onion Recipe in English: Ingredients: -Pyaz (Onion) thinly sliced ½ kg -Oil for deep frying Directions: -In wok,heat oil and fry onion until golden brown. -Spread fried onion on paper towel until drained & crispy. -Transfer fried onion in an air tight container and store the container for up to 2 weeks. Recipe in Urdu: Ajza: -Pyaz (Onion) thinly sliced ½ kg -Oil for deep frying Directions: -Karhai mein oil garam karein aur pyaz ko golden brown fry ker lein. -Fried pyaz ko paper towel per dal lein yahan tak k fried pyaz ka oil drained & crispy ho jaye. -Fried pyaz ko air tight container mein dal dein aur container ko 2 weeks tak store ker saktay han.

Watch more Great Craft Ideas videos: Use a plastic soda bottle to make a vase that, if you didn\'t know better, you\'d swear it was made out of crystal. Step 1: Cut off the top Cut off the top of the bottle, at the top of the bottle\'s smooth section, to make an even edge about 3 inches above where the fluted rim will be. Tip Use a green bottle for accented color. Step 2: Cut strips Wrap the measuring tape around the bottle, mark and cut evenly-spaced strips down from the top of the bottle, about 3 inches long. Then cut the strips in half once, and in half again, so that you have thin, even strips all the way around the bottle. Step 3: Bend the strips Carefully bend the strips outward, making a level edge around the top of the bottle. Turn the bottle upside down and press it against a flat surface to make sure the rim is even. Tip Make sure the creases are regularized for a symmetrical vase. Step 4: Weave the rim Weave one strip over the one next to it and then under the following two, creasing it so that its tip is at the base of the third strip. Step 5: Bend and crease the next one Bend and crease the strip you wove over with the first strip, and fold it over the next two and under the following one. Step 6: Bend and crease the third strip Bend and crease the third strip the same way as the first one -- over one and under two. Step 7: Keep bending Continue weaving the strips in this alternating pattern until only three strips are left. Tuck each of the last three under the next strip until they\'re tucked in completely. Step 8: Add weight Add marbles, beach glass, or stones to your vase to weigh it down so that it doesn\'t fall over. And when you get tired of your vase or want to redecorate, simply recycle it. Did You Know? Americans use 4 million plastic bottles every hour.

Here is a requested tutorial, actually requested a few times and I had some fun making this one (as I always do!). Anyway in this video we will look at creating and editing gradients, using blend modes with effects, creating and editing masks, and the click and drag multiple shapes tip using the tilde (`) key. Be sure to stay and watch the entire video as I throw in a bonus tip/ afterthought to the tutorial right at the end. Check out Tutvid.com for more great video tutorials!

You will not believe yourself when you try this chocolate dip butter cookies recipe and that too without oven with excellent results. For best results use #Nurpur butter and enjoy your cooking. #HappyCookingToYou #FoodFusion Written Recipe: https://bit.ly/3GoAoFr Chocolate Dip Butter Cookies Without Oven Recipe in English: Ingredients: -Sugar ½ Cup -Nurpur butter Unsalted 200g -Anda (Egg) 1 -Vanilla essence 1 tsp -Maida (All-purpose flour) 2 & ½ Cups -Baking powder ½ tsp -Namak (Salt) ½ tsp -Milk chocolate grated 200g -Coconut oil 1 tsp -Rainbow sprinkles as required Directions: -In a blender machine,add sugar & grind to a fine powder & set aside. -Cut butter into cubes. Tip: If butter is refrigerated,cover it with hot ceramic/glass bowl for few minutes to soften the butter. -In a bowl,add butter and beat well. -On a bowl,place sifter,add powdered sugar,sift it then mix with the help of spatula then beat well until light,fluffy & smooth. -Add egg,vanilla essence & beat at low speed until mixed. -Place sifter on a bowl,add all-purpose flour,baking powder,salt and sift dry ingredients together then fold with the help of spatula then beat until just combined & transfer the mixture on a clean working surface lined with cling film. -Grease hand with butter,make a smooth ball of dough,cover with cling film and press gently to flatten the dough into a square shape & refrigerate for 30 minutes. -Take out from from refrigerator,remove cling film,dust all-purpose flour & roll out evenly with the help of rolling pin (thickness: ¼ inch) -Dip cookie cutter in all-purpose flour & cut into desired shapes with the help of the cookie cutter. -Place cookies on a baking tray lined with butter paper and refrigerate for 20 minutes. Option # 1: Baking in Oven -Bake in preheated oven at 180C for 15 minutes. Option # 2: Pot Baking -In a pot,place steam stand/wire rack,cover & preheat on medium flame for 15 minutes. -Place cookies tray,cover & bake in pot on low flame for 10 minutes. -After baking,let them cool on cooling rack to cool completely. -In a bowl,add chocolate,microwave for a minute & mix well until smooth. -Add coconut oil & mix until well combined. -Dip half butter cookies in melted chocolate and decorate with rainbow sprinkles. -Place butter cookies on butter paper and chill for 5 minutes until chocolate is harden. -Can be stored in an airtight jar for up to 1 week. Recipe in Urdu: Ajza: -Sugar ½ Cup -Nurpur butter Unsalted 200g -Anda (Egg) 1 -Vanilla essence 1 tsp -Maida (All-purpose flour) 2 & ½ Cups -Baking powder ½ tsp -Namak (Salt) ½ tsp -Milk chocolate grated 200g -Coconut oil 1 tsp -Multi sprinkles as required Directions: -Blender machine mein cheeni dal dein aur ache tarhan grind ker ka fine powder tayyar ker lein & side per rakh dein. -Butter ko cubes mein cut ker lein. Tip: Agar butter refrigerated ho tou makhan ko hot ceramic/glass bowl sa few minutes kliya cover ker lein. -Bowl mein makhan dal ker ache tarhan beat ker lein. -Bowl ka upper sifter rakh dein,powdered sugar dal ker sift ker lein phir spatula ki madad sa mix ker lein aur light,fluffy & smooth hunay tak beat karein. -Anda aur vanilla essence dal ker low speed per mix ker lein. -Bowl ka upper sifter rakh dein,maida,baking powder aur namak dal ker ek saath dry ingredients ko sifte ker lein phir spatula ki madad sa fold karein aur beater sa beat ker lein aur mixture ko cling film ka upper rakh dein. -Haath ko makhan sa grease karein aur smooth ball bana lein,cling film sa cover karein aur gently press ker ka dough ki square shape bana lein aur 30 minutes kliya refrigerate ker lein. -Refrigerator sa nikal ker cling film ko remove karein,maida chirak dein aur rolling pin ki madad sa evenly bail lein (thickness: ¼ inch) -Cookie cutter ko maida mein dip karein aur desired shapes mein cookie cutter ki madad sa cut ker lein. -Cookies ko baking tray (lined with butter paper) per rakh dein & 20 minutes kliya refrigerate ker lein. Option # 1: Baking in Oven -Preheated oven mein 180C per 15 minutes kliya bake ker lein. Option # 2: Pot Baking -Pot mein stream stand/wire rack rakh dein aur dhak ker darmiyani ancch per 15 minutes kliya preheat ker lein. -Cookies tray per rakh dein aur dhak ker halki ancch per 10 minutes kliya pot bake ker lein. -Baking ka bad cookies ko cooling rack per rakh ka thanda ker lein. -Bowl mein chocolate dal ker ek minute kliya microwave ker lein phir smooth hunay tak ache tarhan mix karein. -Coconut oil dal ker ache tarhan mix karein. -Butter cookies ko melted chocolate mein half dip karein aur rainbow sprinkles sa decorate ker lein. -Butter cookies ko butter paper per rakh dein aur chocolate ko hard ho janay tak 5 minutes kliya refrigerate ker lein. -Ek week kliya airtight jar mein dal ker store ker saktay han.

The Palestinian Exile - also known as Al Nakba - Arabic for - The Catastrophe- -refers to the ethnic cleansing of native Palestinian peoples all during the 1948 Arab-Israeli war. From December 1947 until November 1948 Zionist forces - namely the Irgun - Lehi - Haganah terrorist gangs - expelled approximately 750 000 indigenous Palestinians --almost two third of the population--from their homes. Hundreds of Palestinians were also murdered for refusing to leave their homes. The most notable massacre is the Deir Yassin Massacre in which an estimated 120 Palestinian civilians were brutally murdered by an Irgun-Lehi force. Other massacres include the ones at Sahila - 70-80 killed - Lod - 250 killed- and Abu Shusha - 70 killed -. About 40 other massacres were carried out by Zionist forces in just the summer of 1948. Not only did Zionist forces conduct massacres of Palestinian civilians - rape occured as well. According to Israeli historian Benny Morris - In Acre four soldiers raped a girl and murdered her and her father. In Jaffa soldiers of the Kiryati Brigade raped one girl and tried to rape several more. At Hunin which is in the Galilee two girls were raped and then murdered. There were one or two cases of rape at Tantura south of Haifa. There was one case of rape at Qula in the center of the country. At the village of Abu Shusha near Kibbutz Gezer - in the Ramle area - there were four female prisoners - one of whom was raped a number of times. And there were other cases. Usually more than one soldier was involved. Usually there were one or two Palestinian girls. In a large proportion of the cases the event ended with murder. Because neither the victims nor the rapists liked to report these events- we have to assume that the dozen cases of rape that were reported- which I found are not the whole story. They are just the tip of the iceberg.- during Al Nakba - Palestinians were murdered raped and ethnically cleansed from their villages. According to Israeli historian Ilan Pappe - In a matter of seven months 531 villages were destroyed and 11 urban neighborhoods emptied.- Palestinians were forced into were forced out of Palestine and into neighboring countries - i.e. Lebanon Syria and Jordan - where they lived in refugee camps. Many were also sent to camps in West Bank and Gaza Strip. Most Palestinian towns were demolished and taken by the newly established Israeli government to make room for new Jewish immigrants. Old Palestinian infrastructures as well as many ruins dating back from the Canaanites Romans Greeks Crusaders Arabs and Ottoman Turks were completely destroyed. This signified the end of historical Palestine and the birth of modern-day Israel. Al Nakba marked the beginning of the Palestinian refugee crisis. Al Nakba destroyed a thriving and diverse Palestinian society and scattered them into diaspora. According to the UNRWA - the number of registered Palestinian refugees today is approximately 4.5 million. These refugees are dispersed throughout the world - many of which are still living in poverty-stricken refugee camps. Today the situation keeps worsening and thousands die from malnutrition - contaminated water - or scarce medical supply. Israel has since refused to allow Palestinian refugees to return to their homes and has refused to pay them compensation as required by UN Resolution 194 which was passed on December 11 1948. Historically the Israeli government Israeli schools and Israeli historians have denied that Al Nakba has occured. However The New Historians - a loosely-defined group of Israeli historians - have recently published information recognizing the Al Nakba tragedy and controversial views of matters concerning Israel - particularly events concerning its birth in 1948. Much of their material comes from recently declassified Israeli government papers. Leading scholars in this school include Benny Morris - Ilan Pappe - Avi Shlaim - and Tom Segev. Many of their conclusions have been attacked by other scholars and Israeli historians - who continue deny Al Nakba even occured.

A short film by PressTv-Borj-e Milad (aka Milad Tower, Persian: برج میلاد ) (Persian: birth) is the tallest tower in Iran. Built in between the Shahrak-e Gharb and Gisha districts of Tehran, it stands 435 m (1,427 ft) high from base to tip of the antenna. The head consists of a large pod with 12 floors, the roof of which is at 315 m (1,033 ft). Below this is a staircase and elevators to reach the area. Milad tower is the fourth tallest tower in the world after the CN Tower in Toronto, Ostankino Tower in Moscow, and the Oriental Pearl Tower in Shanghai. It is also currently 12th tallest freestanding structure in the world. Milad tower is part of The Tehran International Trade and Convention Center. The project includes the Milad telecommunication tower offering restaurants at the top with spectacular views of Tehran, a five-star hotel, a convention center, a world trade center, and an IT park (to be completed by March 2007). The complex seeks to respond to the needs of business in the globalized world of the 21st century by offering facilities combining trade, information, communication, convention and accommodation all in one place. The complex features a parking area of 27,000 square meters, a large computer and telecommunication unit, a cultural and scientific unit, a commercial transaction center, a temporary showroom for exhibiting products, a specialized library, an exhibition hall and an administrative unit. Milad Tower has an octagonal base, symbolizing traditional Persian architecture.

Israel is to allocate $ 250 million to further expand its settlements in the occupied West Bank territories over the next two years despite international objections. The figure is contained in the 2009-2010 budget, which passed its first reading in the Knesset (parliament) last week, army radio said Sunday. The move by the Knesset comes despite calls by the international community including Tel Aviv's staunch ally--Washington-- to Israel to halt its settlement expansion. Some 125 million dollars (90 million euros) is to be used for various security expenses, with most of the rest allocated to housing construction, the radio said. The Peace Now anti-settlement watchdog has declared that the settlement spending in the two-year budget could be far higher that by "spreading over several sections of budget." "The official figures are nothing but the tip of the iceberg and the Israelis will pay not only a political price for the settlements, but also an economic one," the head of the group Yariv Oppenheimer said. Israel's two-year 159-billion-dollar budget must pass two more readings in the Knesset. Israel's settlement activities have been described as the main obstacle in the way of peace process

THIS IS JUST THE TIP OF THE ICEBERG. My salute to this great nation of Iran. Sorry ZIONISTS, you have failed again. Sorry ZIONIST SUPPORTERS, your wishes of having a regime change in Iran has not come true. Your wishes of overthrowing the Islamic System has not come true. Sorry your attempts of weakening the Islamic Republic of Iran has failed miserably. Although what happened in fact is that some faces have been unveiled, some deficiencies in the system have been brought to our attention, some sensitivity on planning the future has been created ANDDDD WE HAVE COME OUT OF IT EVEN MORE STRONGER. InshaAllah. Surely, Allah is all wise and the best planner.

http://www.developphp.com/PHP_tuts There is nothing more precious than information on the internet. So why leave things to chance regarding your database data? You may have a database full of members, or you render out all of your pages using a Custom Content Management System, which usually stores page data in a MySQL database. In this quick video tutorial Adam shows you how to go into your PHPMyAdmin MySQL database interface and back up or save your sensative database information. There are a few ways that you could lose the data in your database, so creating backup insert files manually is an easy way for a webmaster to safeguard his or her data. First step in keeping your database secure is not allowing users to input harmful strings. Learn of strings that may harm your database and cancel them out in your form processing. But I am assuming your scripts are secure and that you would like to backup your database just in case anything may happen out of the ordinary. You can easily replace any lost data in a few minutes using this manual methid with PHPMyAdmin. Databases get created on your server either through your cpanel or if you are on GoDaddy or a host that has a custom control panel. Once made you have acces to PHPMyAdmin which is for interacting with your database from a not too technical online interface. So not only is it handy but it teaches you code to write scripts that can interact with your database at runtime. HOT TIP: I have learned a lot of PHP-MySQL syntax from using PHPMyAdmin

Mudbox 2009 autodesk 3D training series video 1 from Flash Building. Also handy learning technique for flash cs4, photoshop, illustrator, fireworks, and virtually every graphics or model creation software.

Learn how to create HTML links on your web pages that will allow people to twitter(tweet) about your page to their status automatically. It feeds all the information needed for the user to make a quick one click tweet. And help you to market your concepts, products, or articles.

Learn how to script reverse animations or manually reverse them in Flash CS3, CS4, CS5, or CS8000. This ActionScript 3.0 trick may save you time when dealing with long intricate timeline animations that you need reversed. It may be just the Flash AS3 tip you needed.

Learn all, yep ALL about the page window, including what the page window is. Have fun! Learn all about the Inspector palette in Golive.

For further details, check out freealquds.org. Countless disgusting crimes committed by the Zionist Regime are not captured on cameras. Tip of the iceberg is here... http://shiatv.net/plist.php?plist=237 http://shiatv.net/plist.php?plist=276 http://shiatv.net/plist.php?plist=303 http://shiatv.net/plist.php?plist=322 http://shiatv.net/plist.php?plist=368 http://shiatv.net/plist.php?plist=466 http://shiatv.net/plist.php?plist=506 http://shiatv.net/plist.php?plist=700 http://shiatv.net/plist.php?plist=1133 For last year's coverage of Al-Quds Day protests around the globe, click on the Video Response tab under the video player. Also check these out: http://shiatv.net/plist.php?plist=1298 http://shiatv.net/plist.php?plist=1299

Hey guys I just got this book by Scott Kelby and wanted to share a few of the things I like about it with you

[03 Aug 2012] Syrian army trying to restore calm in Aleppo - English Our third day in Aleppo, Press tv team made a tour in the city of Aleppo, the traffic was normal, a very few checkpoints in our tour, and markets were opened. Later on we received a tip to move to Hretan area, an area where Syrian army had clashes during the night with hundreds of fighters belong to an armed group call themselves AlMithanna brigade. Upon our arrival to what was an area controlled by armed militias, Syrian army commander explained to us how did they free the area through intensify clashes during the night, assuring that these clashes resulted to killing plenty of armed group members and most of the killed were foreigners.

For further details, check out freealquds.org. Countless disgusting crimes committed by the Zionist Regime are not captured on cameras. Tip of the iceberg is here... http://shiatv.net/plist.php?plist=237 http://shiatv.net/plist.php?plist=276 http://shiatv.net/plist.php?plist=303 http://shiatv.net/plist.php?plist=322 http://shiatv.net/plist.php?plist=368 http://shiatv.net/plist.php?plist=466 http://shiatv.net/plist.php?plist=506 http://shiatv.net/plist.php?plist=700 http://shiatv.net/plist.php?plist=1133

[28 Nov 2012] Over 10000 militants fighting Syria - English

DAMASCUS, (SANA)-President Bashar al-Assad gave an interview to al-Manar TV broadcasted on Thursday, Following is the full text of the interview: Al-Manar: In the name of Allah, the Compassionate, the Merciful. Assalamu Alaikum. Bloodshed in Syria continues unabated. This is the only constant over which there is little disagreement between those loyal to the Syrian state and those opposed to it. However, there is no common ground over the other constants and details two years into the current crisis. At the time, a great deal was said about the imminent fall of the regime. Deadlines were set and missed; and all those bets were lost. Today, we are here in the heart of Damascus, enjoying the hospitality of a president who has become a source of consternation to many of his opponents who are still unable to understand the equations that have played havoc with their calculations and prevented his ouster from the Syrian political scene. This unpleasant and unexpected outcome for his opponents upset their schemes and plots because they didn’t take into account one self-evident question: what happens if the regime doesn’t fall? What if President Assad doesn’t leave the Syrian scene? Of course, there are no clear answers; and the result is more destruction, killing and bloodshed. Today there is talk of a critical juncture for Syria. The Syrian Army has moved from defense to attack, achieving one success after another. On a parallel level, stagnant diplomatic waters have been shaken by discussions over a Geneva 2 conference becoming a recurrent theme in the statements of all parties. There are many questions which need answers: political settlement, resorting to the military option to decide the outcome, the Israeli enemy’s direct interference with the course of events in the current crisis, the new equations on the Golan Heights, the relationship with opponents and friends. What is the Syrian leadership’s plan for a way out of a complex and dangerous crisis whose ramifications have started to spill over into neighboring countries? It is our great pleasure tonight to put these questions to H. E. President Bashar al-Assad. Assalamu Alaikum, Mr. President. President Assad: Assalamu Alaikum. You are most welcome in Damascus. Al-Manar: Mr. President, we are in the heart of the People’s Palace, two and a half years into the Syrian crisis. At the time, the bet was that the president and his regime would be overthrown within weeks. How have you managed to foil the plots of your opponents and enemies? What is the secret behind this steadfastness? President Assad: There are a number of factors are involved. One is the Syrian factor, which thwarted their intentions; the other factor is related to those who masterminded these scenarios and ended up defeating themselves because they do not know Syria or understand in detail the situation. They started with the calls of revolution, but a real revolution requires tangible elements; you cannot create a revolution simply by paying money. When this approach failed, they shifted to using sectarian slogans in order to create a division within our society. Even though they were able to infiltrate certain pockets in Syrian society, pockets of ignorance and lack of awareness that exist in any society, they were not able to create this sectarian division. Had they succeeded, Syria would have been divided up from the beginning. They also fell into their own trap by trying to promote the notion that this was a struggle to maintain power rather than a struggle for national sovereignty. No one would fight and martyr themselves in order to secure power for anyone else. Al-Manar: In the battle for the homeland, it seems that the Syrian leadership, and after two and a half years, is making progress on the battlefield. And here if I might ask you, why have you chosen to move from defense to attack? And don’t you think that you have been late in taking the decision to go on the offensive, and consequently incurred heavy losses, if we take of Al-Qseir as an example. President Assad: It is not a question of defense or attack. Every battle has its own tactics. From the beginning, we did not deal with each situation from a military perspective alone. We also factored in the social and political aspects as well - many Syrians were misled in the beginning and there were many friendly countries that didn’t understand the domestic dynamics. Your actions will differ according to how much consensus there is over a particular issue. There is no doubt that as events have unfolded Syrians have been able to better understand the situation and what is really at stake. This has helped the Armed Forces to better carry out their duties and achieve results. So, what is happening now is not a shift in tactic from defense to attack, but rather a shift in the balance of power in favor of the Armed Forces. Al-Manar: How has this balance been tipped, Mr. President? Syria is being criticized for asking for the assistance of foreign fighters, and to be fully candid, it is said that Hezbollah fighters are extending assistance. In a previous interview, you said that there are 23 million Syrians; we do not need help from anyone else. What is Hezbollah doing in Syria? President Assad: The main reason for tipping the balance is the change in people’s opinion in areas that used to incubate armed groups, not necessarily due to lack of patriotism on their part, but because they were deceived. They were led to believe that there was a revolution against the failings of the state. This has changed; many individuals have left these terrorist groups and have returned to their normal lives. As to what is being said about Hezbollah and the participation of foreign fighters alongside the Syrian Army, this is a hugely important issue and has several factors. Each of these factors should be clearly understood. Hezbollah, the battle at Al-Qseir and the recent Israeli airstrike – these three factors cannot be looked at in isolation of the other, they are all a part of the same issue. Let’s be frank. In recent weeks, and particularly after Mr. Hasan Nasrallah’s speech, Arab and foreign media have said that Hezbollah fighters are fighting in Syria and defending the Syrian state, or to use their words “the regime.” Logically speaking, if Hezbollah or the resistance wanted to defend Syria by sending fighters, how many could they send - a few hundred, a thousand or two? We are talking about a battle in which hundreds of thousands of Syrian troops are involved against tens of thousands of terrorists, if not more because of the constant flow of fighters from neighboring and foreign countries that support those terrorists. So clearly, the number of fighters Hezbollah might contribute in order to defend the Syrian state in its battle, would be a drop in the ocean compared to the number of Syrian soldiers fighting the terrorists. When also taking into account the vast expanse of Syria, these numbers will neither protect a state nor ‘regime.’ This is from one perspective. From another, if they say they are defending the state, why now? Battles started after Ramadan in 2011 and escalated into 2012, the summer of 2012 to be precise. They started the battle to “liberate Damascus” and set a zero hour for the first time, the second time and a third time; the four generals were assassinated, a number of individuals fled Syria, and many people believed that was the time the state would collapse. It didn’t. Nevertheless, during all of these times, Hezbollah never intervened, so why would it intervene now? More importantly, why haven’t we seen Hezbollah fighting in Damascus and Aleppo? The more significant battles are in Damascus and in Aleppo, not in Al-Qseir. Al-Qseir is a small town in Homs, why haven’t we seen Hezbollah in the city of Homs? Clearly, all these assumptions are inaccurate. They say Al-Qseir is a strategic border town, but all the borders are strategic for the terrorists in order to smuggle in their fighters and weapons. So, all these propositions have nothing to do with Hezbollah. If we take into account the moans and groans of the Arab media, the statements made by Arab and foreign officials – even Ban Ki-moon expressed concern over Hezbollah in Al-Qseir – all of this is for the objective of suppressing and stifling the resistance. It has nothing to do with defending the Syrian state. The Syrian army has made significant achievements in Damascus, Aleppo, rural Damascus and many other areas; however, we haven’t heard the same moaning as we have heard in Al-Qseir. Al-Manar: But, Mr. President, the nature of the battle that you and Hezbollah are waging in Al-Qseir seems, to your critics, to take the shape of a safe corridor connecting the coastal region with Damascus. Consequently, if Syria were to be divided, or if geographical changes were to be enforced, this would pave the way for an Alawite state. So, what is the nature of this battle, and how is it connected with the conflict with Israel. President Assad: First, the Syrian and Lebanese coastal areas are not connected through Al-Qseir. Geographically this is not possible. Second, nobody would fight a battle in order to move towards separation. If you opt for separation, you move towards that objective without waging battles all over the country in order to be pushed into a particular corner. The nature of the battle does not indicate that we are heading for division, but rather the opposite, we are ensuring we remain a united country. Our forefathers rejected the idea of division when the French proposed this during their occupation of Syria because at the time they were very aware of its consequences. Is it possible or even fathomable that generations later, we their children, are less aware or mindful? Once again, the battle in Al-Qseir and all the bemoaning is related to Israel. The timing of the battle in Al-Qseir was synchronized with the Israeli airstrike. Their objective is to stifle the resistance. This is the same old campaign taking on a different form. Now what’s important is not al-Qseir as a town, but the borders; they want to stifle the resistance from land and from the sea. Here the question begs itself - some have said that the resistance should face the enemy and consequently remain in the south. This was said on May 7, 2008, when some of Israel’s agents in Lebanon tried to tamper with the communications system of the resistance; they claimed that the resistance turned its weapons inwards. They said the same thing about the Syrian Army; that the Syrian Army should fight on the borders with Israel. We have said very clearly that our Army will fight the enemy wherever it is. When the enemy is in the north, we move north; the same applies if the enemy comes from the east or the west. This is also the case for Hezbollah. So the question is why is Hezbollah deployed on the borders inside Lebanon or inside Syria? The answer is that our battle is a battle against the Israeli enemy and its proxies inside Syria or inside Lebanon. Al-Manar: Mr. President, if I might ask about Israel’s involvement in the Syrian crisis through the recent airstrike against Damascus. Israel immediately attached certain messages to this airstrike by saying it doesn’t want escalation or doesn’t intend to interfere in the Syrian crisis. The question is: what does Israel want and what type of interference? President Assad: This is exactly my point. Everything that is happening at the moment is aimed, first and foremost, at stifling the resistance. Israel’s support of the terrorists was for two purposes. The first is to stifle the resistance; the second is to strike the Syrian air defense systems. It is not interested in anything else. Al-Manar: Mr. President, since Israel’s objectives are clear, the Syrian state was criticized for its muted response. Everyone was expecting a Syrian response, and the Syrian government stated that it reserves the right to respond at the appropriate time and place. Why didn’t the response come immediately? And is it enough for a senior source to say that missiles have been directed at the Israeli enemy and that any attack will be retaliated immediately without resorting to Army command? President Assad: We have informed all the Arab and foreign parties - mostly foreign - that contacted us, that we will respond the next time. Of course, there has been more than one response. There have been several Israeli attempted violations to which there was immediate retaliation. But these short-term responses have no real value; they are only of a political nature. If we want to respond to Israel, the response will be of strategic significance. Al-Manar: How? By opening the Golan front, for instance? President Assad: This depends on public opinion, whether there is a consensus in support of the resistance or not. That’s the question. Al-Manar: How is the situation in Syria now? President Assad: In fact, there is clear popular pressure to open the Golan front to resistance. This enthusiasm is also on the Arab level; we have received many Arab delegations wanting to know how young people might be enrolled to come and fight Israel. Of course, resistance is not easy. It is not merely a question of opening the front geographically. It is a political, ideological, and social issue, with the net result being military action. Al-Manar: Mr. President, if we take into account the incident on the Golan Heights and Syria’s retaliation on the Israeli military vehicle that crossed the combat line, does this mean that the rules of engagement have changed? And if the rules of the game have changed, what is the new equation, so to speak? President Assad: Real change in the rules of engagement happens when there is a popular condition pushing for resistance. Any other change is short-term, unless we are heading towards war. Any response of any kind might only appear to be a change to the rules of engagement, but I don’t think it really is. The real change is when the people move towards resistance; this is the really dramatic change. Al-Manar: Don’t you think that this is a little late? After 40 years of quiet and a state of truce on the Golan Heights, now there is talk of a movement on that front, about new equations and about new rules of the game? President Assad: They always talk about Syria opening the front or closing the front. A state does not create resistance. Resistance can only be called so, when it is popular and spontaneous, it cannot be created. The state can either support or oppose the resistance, - or create obstacles, as is the case with some Arab countries. I believe that a state that opposes the will of its people for resistance is reckless. The issue is not that Syria has decided, after 40 years, to move in this direction. The public’s state of mind is that our National Army is carrying out its duties to protect and liberate our land. Had there not been an army, as was the situation in Lebanon when the army and the state were divided during the civil war, there would have been resistance a long time ago. Today, in the current circumstances, there are a number of factors pushing in that direction. First, there are repeated Israeli aggressions that constitute a major factor in creating this desire and required incentive. Second, the army’s engagement in battles in more than one place throughout Syria has created a sentiment on the part of many civilians that it is their duty to move in this direction in order to support the Armed Forces on the Golan. Al-Manar: Mr. President, Benjamin Netanyahu said that Israel would not hesitate to attack Syria if it detected that weapons are being conveyed to Hezbollah in Lebanon. If Israel carried out its threats, I want a direct answer from you: what would Syria do? President Assad: As I have said, we have informed the relevant states that we will respond in kind. Of course, it is difficult to specify the military means that would be used, that is for our military command to decide. We plan for different scenarios, depending on the circumstances and the timing of the strike that would determine which method or weapons. Al-Manar: Mr. President, after the airstrike that targeted Damascus, there was talk about the S300 missiles and that this missile system will tip the balance. Based on this argument, Netanyahu visited Moscow. My direct question is this: are these missiles on their way to Damascus? Is Syria now in possession of these missiles? President Assad: It is not our policy to talk publically about military issues in terms of what we possess or what we receive. As far as Russia is concerned, the contracts have nothing to do with the crisis. We have negotiated with them on different kinds of weapons for years, and Russia is committed to honoring these contracts. What I want to say is that neither Netanyahu’s visit nor the crisis and the conditions surrounding it have influenced arms imports. All of our agreements with Russia will be implemented, some have been implemented during the past period and, together with the Russians, we will continue to implement these contracts in the future. Al-Manar: Mr. President, we have talked about the steadfastness of the Syrian leadership and the Syrian state. We have discussed the progress being achieved on the battlefield, and strengthening the alliance between Syria and the resistance. These are all within the same front. From another perspective, there is diplomatic activity stirring waters that have been stagnant for two and a half years. Before we talk about this and about the Geneva conference and the red lines that Syria has drawn, there was a simple proposition or a simple solution suggested by the former head of the coalition, Muaz al-Khatib. He said that the president, together with 500 other dignitaries would be allowed to leave the country within 20 days, and the crisis would be over. Why don’t you meet this request and put an end to the crisis? President Assad: I have always talked about the basic principle: that the Syrian people alone have the right to decide whether the president should remain or leave. So, anybody speaking on this subject should state which part of the Syrian people they represent and who granted them the authority to speak on their behalf. As for this initiative, I haven’t actually read it, but I was very happy that they allowed me 20 days and 500 people! I don’t know who proposed the initiative; I don’t care much about names. Al-Manar: He actually said that you would be given 20 days, 500 people, and no guarantees. You’ll be allowed to leave but with no guarantee whatsoever on whether legal action would be taken against you or not. Mr. President, this brings us to the negotiations, I am referring to Geneva 2. The Syrian government and leadership have announced initial agreement to take part in this conference. If this conference is held, there will be a table with the Syrian flag on one side and the flag of the opposition groups on the other. How can you convince the Syrian people after two and a half years of crisis that you will sit face to face at the same negotiating table with these groups? President Assad: First of all, regarding the flag, it is meaningless without the people it represents. When we put a flag on a table or anywhere else, we talk about the people represented by that flag. This question can be put to those who raise flags they call Syrian but are different from the official Syrian flag. So, this flag has no value when it does not represent the people. Secondly, we will attend this conference as the official delegation and legitimate representatives of the Syrian people. But, whom do they represent? When the conference is over, we return to Syria, we return home to our people. But when the conference is over, whom do they return to - five-star hotels? Or to the foreign ministries of the states that they represent – which doesn’t include Syria of course - in order to submit their reports? Or do they return to the intelligence services of those countries? So, when we attend this conference, we should know very clearly the positions of some of those sitting at the table - and I say some because the conference format is not clear yet and as such we do not have details as to how the patriotic Syrian opposition will be considered or the other opposition parties in Syria. As for the opposition groups abroad and their flag, we know that we are attending the conference not to negotiate with them, but rather with the states that back them; it will appear as though we are negotiating with the slaves, but essentially we are negotiating with their masters. This is the truth, we shouldn’t deceive ourselves. Al-Manar: Are you, in the Syrian leadership, convinced that these negotiations will be held next month? President Assad: We expect them to happen, unless they are obstructed by other states. As far as we are concerned in Syria, we have announced a couple of days ago that we agree in principle to attend. Al-Manar: When you say in principle, it seems that you are considering other options. President Assad: In principle, we are in favour of the conference as a notion, but there are no details yet. For example, will there be conditions placed before the conference? If so, these conditions may be unacceptable and we would not attend. So the idea of the conference, of a meeting, in principle is a good one. We will have to wait and see. Al-Manar: Let’s talk, Mr. President, about the conditions put by the Syrian leadership. What are Syria’s conditions? President Assad: Simply put, our only condition is that anything agreed upon in any meeting inside or outside the country, including the conference, is subject to the approval of the Syrian people through a popular referendum. This is the only condition. Anything else doesn’t have any value. That is why we are comfortable with going to the conference. We have no complexes. Either side can propose anything, but nothing can be implemented without the approval of the Syrian people. And as long as we are the legitimate representatives of the people, we have nothing to fear. Al-Manar: Let’s be clear, Mr. President. There is a lot of ambiguity in Geneva 1 and Geneva 2 about the transitional period and the role of President Bashar al-Assad in that transitional period. Are you prepared to hand over all your authorities to this transitional government? And how do you understand this ambiguous term? President Assad: This is what I made clear in the initiative I proposed in January this year. They say they want a transitional government in which the president has no role. In Syria we have a presidential system, where the President is head of the republic and the Prime Minister heads the government. They want a government with broad authorities. The Syrian constitution gives the government full authorities. The president is the commander-in-chief of the Army and Armed Forces and the head of the Supreme Judicial Council. All the other institutions report directly to the government. Changing the authorities of the president is subject to changing the constitution; the president cannot just relinquish his authorities, he doesn\\\'t have the constitutional right. Changing the constitution requires a popular referendum. When they want to propose such issues, they might be discussed in the conference, and when we agree on something - if we agree, we return home and put it to a popular referendum and then move on. But for them to ask for the amendment of the constitution in advance, this cannot be done neither by the president nor by the government. Al-Manar: Frankly, Mr. President, all the international positions taken against you and all your political opponents said that they don’t want a role for al-Assad in Syria’s future. This is what the Saudi foreign minister Saud al-Faisal said and this is what the Turks and the Qataris said, and also the Syrian opposition. Will President Assad be nominated for the forthcoming presidential elections in 2014? President Assad: What I know is that Saud al-Faisal is a specialist in American affairs, I don’t know if he knows anything about Syrian affairs. If he wants to learn, that’s fine! As to the desires of others, I repeat what I have said earlier: the only desires relevant are those of the Syrian people. With regards to the nomination, some parties have said that it is preferable that the president shouldn’t be nominated for the 2014 elections. This issue will be determined closer to the time; it is still too early to discuss this. When the time comes, and I feel, through my meetings and interactions with the Syrian people, that there is a need and public desire for me to nominate myself, I will not hesitate. However, if I feel that the Syrian people do not want me to lead them, then naturally I will not put myself forward. They are wasting their time on such talk. Al-Manar: Mr. President, you mentioned the Saudi foreign minister Saud al-Faisal. This makes me ask about Syria’s relationship with Saudi Arabia, with Qatar, with Turkey, particularly if we take into account that their recent position in the Arab ministerial committee was relatively moderate. They did not directly and publically call for the ouster of President Assad. Do you feel any change or any support on the part of these countries for a political solution to the Syrian crisis? And is Syria prepared to deal once more with the Arab League, taking into account that the Syrian government asked for an apology from the Arab League? President Assad: Concerning the Arab states, we see brief changes in their rhetoric but not in their actions. The countries that support the terrorists have not changed; they are still supporting terrorism to the same extent. Turkey also has not made any positive steps. As for Qatar, their role is also the same, the role of the funder - the bank funding the terrorists and supporting them through Turkey. So, overall, no change. As for the Arab League, in Syria we have never pinned our hopes on the Arab League. Even in the past decades, we were barely able to dismantle the mines set for us in the different meetings, whether in the summits or in meetings of the foreign ministers. So in light of this and its recent actions, can we really expect it to play a role? We are open to everybody, we never close our doors. But we should also be realistic and face the truth that they are unable to offer anything, particularly since a significant number of the Arab states are not independent. They receive their orders from the outside. Some of them are sympathetic to us in their hearts, but they cannot act on their feelings because they are not in possession of their decisions. So, no, we do not pin any hopes on the Arab League. Al-Manar: Mr. President, this leads us to ask: if the Arab environment is as such, and taking into account the developments on the ground and the steadfastness, the Geneva conference and the negotiations, the basic question is: what if the political negotiations fail? What are the consequences of the failure of political negotiations? President Assad: This is quite possible, because there are states that are obstructing the meeting in principle, and they are going only to avoid embarrassment. They are opposed to any dialogue whether inside or outside Syria. Even the Russians, in several statements, have dampened expectations from this conference. But we should also be accurate in defining this dialogue, particularly in relation to what is happening on the ground. Most of the factions engaged in talking about what is happening in Syria have no influence on the ground; they don’t even have direct relationships with the terrorists. In some instances these terrorists are directly linked with the states that are backing them, in other cases, they are mere gangs paid to carry out terrorist activities. So, the failure of the conference will not significantly change the reality inside Syria, because these states will not stop supporting the terrorists - conference or no conference, and the gangs will not stop their subversive activities. So it has no impact on them. Al-Manar: Mr. President, the events in Syria are spilling over to neighboring countries. We see what’s happening in Iraq, the explosions in Al-Rihaniye in Turkey and also in Lebanon. In Ersal, Tripoli, Hezbollah taking part in the fighting in Al-Qseir. How does Syria approach the situation in Lebanon, and do you think the Lebanese policy of dissociation is still applied or accepted? President Assad: Let me pose some questions based on the reality in Syria and in Lebanon about the policy of dissociation in order not to be accused of making a value judgment on whether this policy is right or wrong. Let’s start with some simple questions: Has Lebanon been able to prevent Lebanese interference in Syria? Has it been able to prevent the smuggling of terrorists or weapons into Syria or providing a safe haven for them in Lebanon? It hasn’t; in fact, everyone knows that Lebanon has contributed negatively to the Syrian crisis. Most recently, has Lebanon been able to protect itself against the consequences of the Syrian crisis, most markedly in Tripoli and the missiles that have been falling over different areas of Beirut or its surroundings? It hasn’t. So what kind of dissociation are we talking about? For Lebanon to dissociate itself from the crisis is one thing, and for the government to dissociate itself is another. When the government dissociates itself from a certain issue that affects the interests of the Lebanese people, it is in fact dissociating itself from the Lebanese citizens. I’m not criticizing the Lebanese government - I’m talking about general principles. I don’t want it to be said that I’m criticizing this government. If the Syrian government were to dissociate itself from issues that are of concern to the Syrian people, it would also fail. So in response to your question with regards to Lebanon’s policy of dissociation, we don’t believe this is realistically possible. When my neighbor’s house is on fire, I cannot say that it’s none of my business because sooner or later the fire will spread to my house. Al-Manar: Mr. President, what would you say to the supporters of the axis of resistance? We are celebrating the anniversary of the victory of the resistance and the liberation of south Lebanon, in an atmosphere of promises of victory, which Mr. Hasan Nasrallah has talked about. You are saying with great confidence that you will emerge triumphant from this crisis. What would you say to all this audience? Are we about to reach the end of this dark tunnel? President Assad: I believe that the greatest victory achieved by the Arab resistance movements in the past years and decades is primarily an intellectual victory. This resistance wouldn’t have been able to succeed militarily if they hadn’t been able to succeed and stand fast against a campaign aimed at distorting concepts and principles in this region. Before the civil war in Lebanon, some people used to say that Lebanon’s strength lies in its weakness; this is similar to saying that a man’s intelligence lies in his stupidity, or that honor is maintained through corruption. This is an illogical contradiction. The victories of the resistance at different junctures proved that this concept is not true, and it showed that Lebanon’s weakness lies in its weakness and Lebanon’s strength lies in its strength. Lebanon’s strength is in its resistance and these resistance fighters you referred to. Today, more than ever before, we are in need of these ideas, of this mindset, of this steadfastness and of these actions carried out by the resistance fighters. The events in the Arab world during the past years have distorted concepts to the extent that some Arabs have forgotten that the real enemy is still Israel and have instead created internal, sectarian, regional or national enemies. Today we pin our hopes on these resistance fighters to remind the Arab people, through their achievements, that our enemy is still the same. As for my confidence in victory, if we weren’t so confident we wouldn’t have been able to stand fast or to continue this battle after two years of a global attack. This is not a tripartite attack like the one in 1956; it is in fact a global war waged against Syria and the resistance. We have absolute confidence in our victory, and I assure them that Syria will always remain, even more so than before, supportive of the resistance and resistance fighters everywhere in the Arab world. Al-Manar: In conclusion, it has been my great honor to conduct this interview with Your Excellency, President Bashar al-Assad of the Syrian Arab Republic. Thank you very much. President Assad: You are welcome. I would like to congratulate Al-Manar channel, the channel of resistance, on the anniversary of the liberation and to congratulate the Lebanese people and every resistance fighter in Lebanon. Al-Manar: Thank you.

DAMASCUS, (SANA)-President Bashar al-Assad gave an interview to al-Manar TV broadcasted on Thursday, Following is the full text of the interview: Al-Manar: In the name of Allah, the Compassionate, the Merciful. Assalamu Alaikum. Bloodshed in Syria continues unabated. This is the only constant over which there is little disagreement between those loyal to the Syrian state and those opposed to it. However, there is no common ground over the other constants and details two years into the current crisis. At the time, a great deal was said about the imminent fall of the regime. Deadlines were set and missed; and all those bets were lost. Today, we are here in the heart of Damascus, enjoying the hospitality of a president who has become a source of consternation to many of his opponents who are still unable to understand the equations that have played havoc with their calculations and prevented his ouster from the Syrian political scene. This unpleasant and unexpected outcome for his opponents upset their schemes and plots because they didn’t take into account one self-evident question: what happens if the regime doesn’t fall? What if President Assad doesn’t leave the Syrian scene? Of course, there are no clear answers; and the result is more destruction, killing and bloodshed. Today there is talk of a critical juncture for Syria. The Syrian Army has moved from defense to attack, achieving one success after another. On a parallel level, stagnant diplomatic waters have been shaken by discussions over a Geneva 2 conference becoming a recurrent theme in the statements of all parties. There are many questions which need answers: political settlement, resorting to the military option to decide the outcome, the Israeli enemy’s direct interference with the course of events in the current crisis, the new equations on the Golan Heights, the relationship with opponents and friends. What is the Syrian leadership’s plan for a way out of a complex and dangerous crisis whose ramifications have started to spill over into neighboring countries? It is our great pleasure tonight to put these questions to H. E. President Bashar al-Assad. Assalamu Alaikum, Mr. President. President Assad: Assalamu Alaikum. You are most welcome in Damascus. Al-Manar: Mr. President, we are in the heart of the People’s Palace, two and a half years into the Syrian crisis. At the time, the bet was that the president and his regime would be overthrown within weeks. How have you managed to foil the plots of your opponents and enemies? What is the secret behind this steadfastness? President Assad: There are a number of factors are involved. One is the Syrian factor, which thwarted their intentions; the other factor is related to those who masterminded these scenarios and ended up defeating themselves because they do not know Syria or understand in detail the situation. They started with the calls of revolution, but a real revolution requires tangible elements; you cannot create a revolution simply by paying money. When this approach failed, they shifted to using sectarian slogans in order to create a division within our society. Even though they were able to infiltrate certain pockets in Syrian society, pockets of ignorance and lack of awareness that exist in any society, they were not able to create this sectarian division. Had they succeeded, Syria would have been divided up from the beginning. They also fell into their own trap by trying to promote the notion that this was a struggle to maintain power rather than a struggle for national sovereignty. No one would fight and martyr themselves in order to secure power for anyone else. Al-Manar: In the battle for the homeland, it seems that the Syrian leadership, and after two and a half years, is making progress on the battlefield. And here if I might ask you, why have you chosen to move from defense to attack? And don’t you think that you have been late in taking the decision to go on the offensive, and consequently incurred heavy losses, if we take of Al-Qseir as an example. President Assad: It is not a question of defense or attack. Every battle has its own tactics. From the beginning, we did not deal with each situation from a military perspective alone. We also factored in the social and political aspects as well - many Syrians were misled in the beginning and there were many friendly countries that didn’t understand the domestic dynamics. Your actions will differ according to how much consensus there is over a particular issue. There is no doubt that as events have unfolded Syrians have been able to better understand the situation and what is really at stake. This has helped the Armed Forces to better carry out their duties and achieve results. So, what is happening now is not a shift in tactic from defense to attack, but rather a shift in the balance of power in favor of the Armed Forces. Al-Manar: How has this balance been tipped, Mr. President? Syria is being criticized for asking for the assistance of foreign fighters, and to be fully candid, it is said that Hezbollah fighters are extending assistance. In a previous interview, you said that there are 23 million Syrians; we do not need help from anyone else. What is Hezbollah doing in Syria? President Assad: The main reason for tipping the balance is the change in people’s opinion in areas that used to incubate armed groups, not necessarily due to lack of patriotism on their part, but because they were deceived. They were led to believe that there was a revolution against the failings of the state. This has changed; many individuals have left these terrorist groups and have returned to their normal lives. As to what is being said about Hezbollah and the participation of foreign fighters alongside the Syrian Army, this is a hugely important issue and has several factors. Each of these factors should be clearly understood. Hezbollah, the battle at Al-Qseir and the recent Israeli airstrike – these three factors cannot be looked at in isolation of the other, they are all a part of the same issue. Let’s be frank. In recent weeks, and particularly after Mr. Hasan Nasrallah’s speech, Arab and foreign media have said that Hezbollah fighters are fighting in Syria and defending the Syrian state, or to use their words “the regime.” Logically speaking, if Hezbollah or the resistance wanted to defend Syria by sending fighters, how many could they send - a few hundred, a thousand or two? We are talking about a battle in which hundreds of thousands of Syrian troops are involved against tens of thousands of terrorists, if not more because of the constant flow of fighters from neighboring and foreign countries that support those terrorists. So clearly, the number of fighters Hezbollah might contribute in order to defend the Syrian state in its battle, would be a drop in the ocean compared to the number of Syrian soldiers fighting the terrorists. When also taking into account the vast expanse of Syria, these numbers will neither protect a state nor ‘regime.’ This is from one perspective. From another, if they say they are defending the state, why now? Battles started after Ramadan in 2011 and escalated into 2012, the summer of 2012 to be precise. They started the battle to “liberate Damascus” and set a zero hour for the first time, the second time and a third time; the four generals were assassinated, a number of individuals fled Syria, and many people believed that was the time the state would collapse. It didn’t. Nevertheless, during all of these times, Hezbollah never intervened, so why would it intervene now? More importantly, why haven’t we seen Hezbollah fighting in Damascus and Aleppo? The more significant battles are in Damascus and in Aleppo, not in Al-Qseir. Al-Qseir is a small town in Homs, why haven’t we seen Hezbollah in the city of Homs? Clearly, all these assumptions are inaccurate. They say Al-Qseir is a strategic border town, but all the borders are strategic for the terrorists in order to smuggle in their fighters and weapons. So, all these propositions have nothing to do with Hezbollah. If we take into account the moans and groans of the Arab media, the statements made by Arab and foreign officials – even Ban Ki-moon expressed concern over Hezbollah in Al-Qseir – all of this is for the objective of suppressing and stifling the resistance. It has nothing to do with defending the Syrian state. The Syrian army has made significant achievements in Damascus, Aleppo, rural Damascus and many other areas; however, we haven’t heard the same moaning as we have heard in Al-Qseir. Al-Manar: But, Mr. President, the nature of the battle that you and Hezbollah are waging in Al-Qseir seems, to your critics, to take the shape of a safe corridor connecting the coastal region with Damascus. Consequently, if Syria were to be divided, or if geographical changes were to be enforced, this would pave the way for an Alawite state. So, what is the nature of this battle, and how is it connected with the conflict with Israel. President Assad: First, the Syrian and Lebanese coastal areas are not connected through Al-Qseir. Geographically this is not possible. Second, nobody would fight a battle in order to move towards separation. If you opt for separation, you move towards that objective without waging battles all over the country in order to be pushed into a particular corner. The nature of the battle does not indicate that we are heading for division, but rather the opposite, we are ensuring we remain a united country. Our forefathers rejected the idea of division when the French proposed this during their occupation of Syria because at the time they were very aware of its consequences. Is it possible or even fathomable that generations later, we their children, are less aware or mindful? Once again, the battle in Al-Qseir and all the bemoaning is related to Israel. The timing of the battle in Al-Qseir was synchronized with the Israeli airstrike. Their objective is to stifle the resistance. This is the same old campaign taking on a different form. Now what’s important is not al-Qseir as a town, but the borders; they want to stifle the resistance from land and from the sea. Here the question begs itself - some have said that the resistance should face the enemy and consequently remain in the south. This was said on May 7, 2008, when some of Israel’s agents in Lebanon tried to tamper with the communications system of the resistance; they claimed that the resistance turned its weapons inwards. They said the same thing about the Syrian Army; that the Syrian Army should fight on the borders with Israel. We have said very clearly that our Army will fight the enemy wherever it is. When the enemy is in the north, we move north; the same applies if the enemy comes from the east or the west. This is also the case for Hezbollah. So the question is why is Hezbollah deployed on the borders inside Lebanon or inside Syria? The answer is that our battle is a battle against the Israeli enemy and its proxies inside Syria or inside Lebanon. Al-Manar: Mr. President, if I might ask about Israel’s involvement in the Syrian crisis through the recent airstrike against Damascus. Israel immediately attached certain messages to this airstrike by saying it doesn’t want escalation or doesn’t intend to interfere in the Syrian crisis. The question is: what does Israel want and what type of interference? President Assad: This is exactly my point. Everything that is happening at the moment is aimed, first and foremost, at stifling the resistance. Israel’s support of the terrorists was for two purposes. The first is to stifle the resistance; the second is to strike the Syrian air defense systems. It is not interested in anything else. Al-Manar: Mr. President, since Israel’s objectives are clear, the Syrian state was criticized for its muted response. Everyone was expecting a Syrian response, and the Syrian government stated that it reserves the right to respond at the appropriate time and place. Why didn’t the response come immediately? And is it enough for a senior source to say that missiles have been directed at the Israeli enemy and that any attack will be retaliated immediately without resorting to Army command? President Assad: We have informed all the Arab and foreign parties - mostly foreign - that contacted us, that we will respond the next time. Of course, there has been more than one response. There have been several Israeli attempted violations to which there was immediate retaliation. But these short-term responses have no real value; they are only of a political nature. If we want to respond to Israel, the response will be of strategic significance. Al-Manar: How? By opening the Golan front, for instance? President Assad: This depends on public opinion, whether there is a consensus in support of the resistance or not. That’s the question. Al-Manar: How is the situation in Syria now? President Assad: In fact, there is clear popular pressure to open the Golan front to resistance. This enthusiasm is also on the Arab level; we have received many Arab delegations wanting to know how young people might be enrolled to come and fight Israel. Of course, resistance is not easy. It is not merely a question of opening the front geographically. It is a political, ideological, and social issue, with the net result being military action. Al-Manar: Mr. President, if we take into account the incident on the Golan Heights and Syria’s retaliation on the Israeli military vehicle that crossed the combat line, does this mean that the rules of engagement have changed? And if the rules of the game have changed, what is the new equation, so to speak? President Assad: Real change in the rules of engagement happens when there is a popular condition pushing for resistance. Any other change is short-term, unless we are heading towards war. Any response of any kind might only appear to be a change to the rules of engagement, but I don’t think it really is. The real change is when the people move towards resistance; this is the really dramatic change. Al-Manar: Don’t you think that this is a little late? After 40 years of quiet and a state of truce on the Golan Heights, now there is talk of a movement on that front, about new equations and about new rules of the game? President Assad: They always talk about Syria opening the front or closing the front. A state does not create resistance. Resistance can only be called so, when it is popular and spontaneous, it cannot be created. The state can either support or oppose the resistance, - or create obstacles, as is the case with some Arab countries. I believe that a state that opposes the will of its people for resistance is reckless. The issue is not that Syria has decided, after 40 years, to move in this direction. The public’s state of mind is that our National Army is carrying out its duties to protect and liberate our land. Had there not been an army, as was the situation in Lebanon when the army and the state were divided during the civil war, there would have been resistance a long time ago. Today, in the current circumstances, there are a number of factors pushing in that direction. First, there are repeated Israeli aggressions that constitute a major factor in creating this desire and required incentive. Second, the army’s engagement in battles in more than one place throughout Syria has created a sentiment on the part of many civilians that it is their duty to move in this direction in order to support the Armed Forces on the Golan. Al-Manar: Mr. President, Benjamin Netanyahu said that Israel would not hesitate to attack Syria if it detected that weapons are being conveyed to Hezbollah in Lebanon. If Israel carried out its threats, I want a direct answer from you: what would Syria do? President Assad: As I have said, we have informed the relevant states that we will respond in kind. Of course, it is difficult to specify the military means that would be used, that is for our military command to decide. We plan for different scenarios, depending on the circumstances and the timing of the strike that would determine which method or weapons. Al-Manar: Mr. President, after the airstrike that targeted Damascus, there was talk about the S300 missiles and that this missile system will tip the balance. Based on this argument, Netanyahu visited Moscow. My direct question is this: are these missiles on their way to Damascus? Is Syria now in possession of these missiles? President Assad: It is not our policy to talk publically about military issues in terms of what we possess or what we receive. As far as Russia is concerned, the contracts have nothing to do with the crisis. We have negotiated with them on different kinds of weapons for years, and Russia is committed to honoring these contracts. What I want to say is that neither Netanyahu’s visit nor the crisis and the conditions surrounding it have influenced arms imports. All of our agreements with Russia will be implemented, some have been implemented during the past period and, together with the Russians, we will continue to implement these contracts in the future. Al-Manar: Mr. President, we have talked about the steadfastness of the Syrian leadership and the Syrian state. We have discussed the progress being achieved on the battlefield, and strengthening the alliance between Syria and the resistance. These are all within the same front. From another perspective, there is diplomatic activity stirring waters that have been stagnant for two and a half years. Before we talk about this and about the Geneva conference and the red lines that Syria has drawn, there was a simple proposition or a simple solution suggested by the former head of the coalition, Muaz al-Khatib. He said that the president, together with 500 other dignitaries would be allowed to leave the country within 20 days, and the crisis would be over. Why don’t you meet this request and put an end to the crisis? President Assad: I have always talked about the basic principle: that the Syrian people alone have the right to decide whether the president should remain or leave. So, anybody speaking on this subject should state which part of the Syrian people they represent and who granted them the authority to speak on their behalf. As for this initiative, I haven’t actually read it, but I was very happy that they allowed me 20 days and 500 people! I don’t know who proposed the initiative; I don’t care much about names. Al-Manar: He actually said that you would be given 20 days, 500 people, and no guarantees. You’ll be allowed to leave but with no guarantee whatsoever on whether legal action would be taken against you or not. Mr. President, this brings us to the negotiations, I am referring to Geneva 2. The Syrian government and leadership have announced initial agreement to take part in this conference. If this conference is held, there will be a table with the Syrian flag on one side and the flag of the opposition groups on the other. How can you convince the Syrian people after two and a half years of crisis that you will sit face to face at the same negotiating table with these groups? President Assad: First of all, regarding the flag, it is meaningless without the people it represents. When we put a flag on a table or anywhere else, we talk about the people represented by that flag. This question can be put to those who raise flags they call Syrian but are different from the official Syrian flag. So, this flag has no value when it does not represent the people. Secondly, we will attend this conference as the official delegation and legitimate representatives of the Syrian people. But, whom do they represent? When the conference is over, we return to Syria, we return home to our people. But when the conference is over, whom do they return to - five-star hotels? Or to the foreign ministries of the states that they represent – which doesn’t include Syria of course - in order to submit their reports? Or do they return to the intelligence services of those countries? So, when we attend this conference, we should know very clearly the positions of some of those sitting at the table - and I say some because the conference format is not clear yet and as such we do not have details as to how the patriotic Syrian opposition will be considered or the other opposition parties in Syria. As for the opposition groups abroad and their flag, we know that we are attending the conference not to negotiate with them, but rather with the states that back them; it will appear as though we are negotiating with the slaves, but essentially we are negotiating with their masters. This is the truth, we shouldn’t deceive ourselves. Al-Manar: Are you, in the Syrian leadership, convinced that these negotiations will be held next month? President Assad: We expect them to happen, unless they are obstructed by other states. As far as we are concerned in Syria, we have announced a couple of days ago that we agree in principle to attend. Al-Manar: When you say in principle, it seems that you are considering other options. President Assad: In principle, we are in favour of the conference as a notion, but there are no details yet. For example, will there be conditions placed before the conference? If so, these conditions may be unacceptable and we would not attend. So the idea of the conference, of a meeting, in principle is a good one. We will have to wait and see. Al-Manar: Let’s talk, Mr. President, about the conditions put by the Syrian leadership. What are Syria’s conditions? President Assad: Simply put, our only condition is that anything agreed upon in any meeting inside or outside the country, including the conference, is subject to the approval of the Syrian people through a popular referendum. This is the only condition. Anything else doesn’t have any value. That is why we are comfortable with going to the conference. We have no complexes. Either side can propose anything, but nothing can be implemented without the approval of the Syrian people. And as long as we are the legitimate representatives of the people, we have nothing to fear. Al-Manar: Let’s be clear, Mr. President. There is a lot of ambiguity in Geneva 1 and Geneva 2 about the transitional period and the role of President Bashar al-Assad in that transitional period. Are you prepared to hand over all your authorities to this transitional government? And how do you understand this ambiguous term? President Assad: This is what I made clear in the initiative I proposed in January this year. They say they want a transitional government in which the president has no role. In Syria we have a presidential system, where the President is head of the republic and the Prime Minister heads the government. They want a government with broad authorities. The Syrian constitution gives the government full authorities. The president is the commander-in-chief of the Army and Armed Forces and the head of the Supreme Judicial Council. All the other institutions report directly to the government. Changing the authorities of the president is subject to changing the constitution; the president cannot just relinquish his authorities, he doesn\'t have the constitutional right. Changing the constitution requires a popular referendum. When they want to propose such issues, they might be discussed in the conference, and when we agree on something - if we agree, we return home and put it to a popular referendum and then move on. But for them to ask for the amendment of the constitution in advance, this cannot be done neither by the president nor by the government. Al-Manar: Frankly, Mr. President, all the international positions taken against you and all your political opponents said that they don’t want a role for al-Assad in Syria’s future. This is what the Saudi foreign minister Saud al-Faisal said and this is what the Turks and the Qataris said, and also the Syrian opposition. Will President Assad be nominated for the forthcoming presidential elections in 2014? President Assad: What I know is that Saud al-Faisal is a specialist in American affairs, I don’t know if he knows anything about Syrian affairs. If he wants to learn, that’s fine! As to the desires of others, I repeat what I have said earlier: the only desires relevant are those of the Syrian people. With regards to the nomination, some parties have said that it is preferable that the president shouldn’t be nominated for the 2014 elections. This issue will be determined closer to the time; it is still too early to discuss this. When the time comes, and I feel, through my meetings and interactions with the Syrian people, that there is a need and public desire for me to nominate myself, I will not hesitate. However, if I feel that the Syrian people do not want me to lead them, then naturally I will not put myself forward. They are wasting their time on such talk. Al-Manar: Mr. President, you mentioned the Saudi foreign minister Saud al-Faisal. This makes me ask about Syria’s relationship with Saudi Arabia, with Qatar, with Turkey, particularly if we take into account that their recent position in the Arab ministerial committee was relatively moderate. They did not directly and publically call for the ouster of President Assad. Do you feel any change or any support on the part of these countries for a political solution to the Syrian crisis? And is Syria prepared to deal once more with the Arab League, taking into account that the Syrian government asked for an apology from the Arab League? President Assad: Concerning the Arab states, we see brief changes in their rhetoric but not in their actions. The countries that support the terrorists have not changed; they are still supporting terrorism to the same extent. Turkey also has not made any positive steps. As for Qatar, their role is also the same, the role of the funder - the bank funding the terrorists and supporting them through Turkey. So, overall, no change. As for the Arab League, in Syria we have never pinned our hopes on the Arab League. Even in the past decades, we were barely able to dismantle the mines set for us in the different meetings, whether in the summits or in meetings of the foreign ministers. So in light of this and its recent actions, can we really expect it to play a role? We are open to everybody, we never close our doors. But we should also be realistic and face the truth that they are unable to offer anything, particularly since a significant number of the Arab states are not independent. They receive their orders from the outside. Some of them are sympathetic to us in their hearts, but they cannot act on their feelings because they are not in possession of their decisions. So, no, we do not pin any hopes on the Arab League. Al-Manar: Mr. President, this leads us to ask: if the Arab environment is as such, and taking into account the developments on the ground and the steadfastness, the Geneva conference and the negotiations, the basic question is: what if the political negotiations fail? What are the consequences of the failure of political negotiations? President Assad: This is quite possible, because there are states that are obstructing the meeting in principle, and they are going only to avoid embarrassment. They are opposed to any dialogue whether inside or outside Syria. Even the Russians, in several statements, have dampened expectations from this conference. But we should also be accurate in defining this dialogue, particularly in relation to what is happening on the ground. Most of the factions engaged in talking about what is happening in Syria have no influence on the ground; they don’t even have direct relationships with the terrorists. In some instances these terrorists are directly linked with the states that are backing them, in other cases, they are mere gangs paid to carry out terrorist activities. So, the failure of the conference will not significantly change the reality inside Syria, because these states will not stop supporting the terrorists - conference or no conference, and the gangs will not stop their subversive activities. So it has no impact on them. Al-Manar: Mr. President, the events in Syria are spilling over to neighboring countries. We see what’s happening in Iraq, the explosions in Al-Rihaniye in Turkey and also in Lebanon. In Ersal, Tripoli, Hezbollah taking part in the fighting in Al-Qseir. How does Syria approach the situation in Lebanon, and do you think the Lebanese policy of dissociation is still applied or accepted? President Assad: Let me pose some questions based on the reality in Syria and in Lebanon about the policy of dissociation in order not to be accused of making a value judgment on whether this policy is right or wrong. Let’s start with some simple questions: Has Lebanon been able to prevent Lebanese interference in Syria? Has it been able to prevent the smuggling of terrorists or weapons into Syria or providing a safe haven for them in Lebanon? It hasn’t; in fact, everyone knows that Lebanon has contributed negatively to the Syrian crisis. Most recently, has Lebanon been able to protect itself against the consequences of the Syrian crisis, most markedly in Tripoli and the missiles that have been falling over different areas of Beirut or its surroundings? It hasn’t. So what kind of dissociation are we talking about? For Lebanon to dissociate itself from the crisis is one thing, and for the government to dissociate itself is another. When the government dissociates itself from a certain issue that affects the interests of the Lebanese people, it is in fact dissociating itself from the Lebanese citizens. I’m not criticizing the Lebanese government - I’m talking about general principles. I don’t want it to be said that I’m criticizing this government. If the Syrian government were to dissociate itself from issues that are of concern to the Syrian people, it would also fail. So in response to your question with regards to Lebanon’s policy of dissociation, we don’t believe this is realistically possible. When my neighbor’s house is on fire, I cannot say that it’s none of my business because sooner or later the fire will spread to my house. Al-Manar: Mr. President, what would you say to the supporters of the axis of resistance? We are celebrating the anniversary of the victory of the resistance and the liberation of south Lebanon, in an atmosphere of promises of victory, which Mr. Hasan Nasrallah has talked about. You are saying with great confidence that you will emerge triumphant from this crisis. What would you say to all this audience? Are we about to reach the end of this dark tunnel? President Assad: I believe that the greatest victory achieved by the Arab resistance movements in the past years and decades is primarily an intellectual victory. This resistance wouldn’t have been able to succeed militarily if they hadn’t been able to succeed and stand fast against a campaign aimed at distorting concepts and principles in this region. Before the civil war in Lebanon, some people used to say that Lebanon’s strength lies in its weakness; this is similar to saying that a man’s intelligence lies in his stupidity, or that honor is maintained through corruption. This is an illogical contradiction. The victories of the resistance at different junctures proved that this concept is not true, and it showed that Lebanon’s weakness lies in its weakness and Lebanon’s strength lies in its strength. Lebanon’s strength is in its resistance and these resistance fighters you referred to. Today, more than ever before, we are in need of these ideas, of this mindset, of this steadfastness and of these actions carried out by the resistance fighters. The events in the Arab world during the past years have distorted concepts to the extent that some Arabs have forgotten that the real enemy is still Israel and have instead created internal, sectarian, regional or national enemies. Today we pin our hopes on these resistance fighters to remind the Arab people, through their achievements, that our enemy is still the same. As for my confidence in victory, if we weren’t so confident we wouldn’t have been able to stand fast or to continue this battle after two years of a global attack. This is not a tripartite attack like the one in 1956; it is in fact a global war waged against Syria and the resistance. We have absolute confidence in our victory, and I assure them that Syria will always remain, even more so than before, supportive of the resistance and resistance fighters everywhere in the Arab world. Al-Manar: In conclusion, it has been my great honor to conduct this interview with Your Excellency, President Bashar al-Assad of the Syrian Arab Republic. Thank you very much. President Assad: You are welcome. I would like to congratulate Al-Manar channel, the channel of resistance, on the anniversary of the liberation and to congratulate the Lebanese people and every resistance fighter in Lebanon. Al-Manar: Thank you.

MATERIAL: Six Stranded Embroidery Floss (DMC BRAND) PATTERN INFO: For this you will need to know how to do both a forward AND a backward candy stripe. If you do not know how to make a candy stripe go here: You will need 4 different strings cut 60\" (inches) long folded in half. This will leave you with 8 strings that need to be arranged. Set them up as follows: 1 2 3 4 (middle) 4 3 2 1 Just look at this bracelet as two individual candy stripes. The one on the left needs to be forward knots, the one on the right needs backward knots then you just join the middle after completing the left and right \"candystripe\" bases. Enjoy! TIP: To make thicker stripes you need to have two of the same color beside one another. 1=Red 2=Blue Set them up as follows: 1 1 2 2 (middle) 2 2 1 1