[29 May 13] Tehran conference condemns foreign intervention in Syria -...
Friends of Syria meet in Tehran.Tehran hosts the international Friends of Syria conference to find diplomatic solution to the crisis in that...
Friends of Syria meet in Tehran.Tehran hosts the international Friends of Syria conference to find diplomatic solution to the crisis in that country. Representatives from 44 countries and international organizations took part in the daylong event, whose theme was \"Political Solution, Regional Stability\".
Press TV\'s Saman Kojouri reports from Tehran.
3m:11s
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[English Translation] Interview Bashar Al-Asad - President Syria on...
DAMASCUS, (SANA)-President Bashar al-Assad gave an interview to al-Manar TV broadcasted on Thursday,
Following is the full text of the...
DAMASCUS, (SANA)-President Bashar al-Assad gave an interview to al-Manar TV broadcasted on Thursday,
Following is the full text of the interview:
Al-Manar: In the name of Allah, the Compassionate, the Merciful. Assalamu Alaikum. Bloodshed in Syria continues unabated. This is the only constant over which there is little disagreement between those loyal to the Syrian state and those opposed to it. However, there is no common ground over the other constants and details two years into the current crisis. At the time, a great deal was said about the imminent fall of the regime. Deadlines were set and missed; and all those bets were lost. Today, we are here in the heart of Damascus, enjoying the hospitality of a president who has become a source of consternation to many of his opponents who are still unable to understand the equations that have played havoc with their calculations and prevented his ouster from the Syrian political scene. This unpleasant and unexpected outcome for his opponents upset their schemes and plots because they didn’t take into account one self-evident question: what happens if the regime doesn’t fall? What if President Assad doesn’t leave the Syrian scene? Of course, there are no clear answers; and the result is more destruction, killing and bloodshed. Today there is talk of a critical juncture for Syria. The Syrian Army has moved from defense to attack, achieving one success after another. On a parallel level, stagnant diplomatic waters have been shaken by discussions over a Geneva 2 conference becoming a recurrent theme in the statements of all parties. There are many questions which need answers: political settlement, resorting to the military option to decide the outcome, the Israeli enemy’s direct interference with the course of events in the current crisis, the new equations on the Golan Heights, the relationship with opponents and friends. What is the Syrian leadership’s plan for a way out of a complex and dangerous crisis whose ramifications have started to spill over into neighboring countries? It is our great pleasure tonight to put these questions to H. E. President Bashar al-Assad. Assalamu Alaikum, Mr. President.
President Assad: Assalamu Alaikum. You are most welcome in Damascus.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, we are in the heart of the People’s Palace, two and a half years into the Syrian crisis. At the time, the bet was that the president and his regime would be overthrown within weeks. How have you managed to foil the plots of your opponents and enemies? What is the secret behind this steadfastness?
President Assad: There are a number of factors are involved. One is the Syrian factor, which thwarted their intentions; the other factor is related to those who masterminded these scenarios and ended up defeating themselves because they do not know Syria or understand in detail the situation. They started with the calls of revolution, but a real revolution requires tangible elements; you cannot create a revolution simply by paying money. When this approach failed, they shifted to using sectarian slogans in order to create a division within our society. Even though they were able to infiltrate certain pockets in Syrian society, pockets of ignorance and lack of awareness that exist in any society, they were not able to create this sectarian division. Had they succeeded, Syria would have been divided up from the beginning. They also fell into their own trap by trying to promote the notion that this was a struggle to maintain power rather than a struggle for national sovereignty. No one would fight and martyr themselves in order to secure power for anyone else.
Al-Manar: In the battle for the homeland, it seems that the Syrian leadership, and after two and a half years, is making progress on the battlefield. And here if I might ask you, why have you chosen to move from defense to attack? And don’t you think that you have been late in taking the decision to go on the offensive, and consequently incurred heavy losses, if we take of Al-Qseir as an example.
President Assad: It is not a question of defense or attack. Every battle has its own tactics. From the beginning, we did not deal with each situation from a military perspective alone. We also factored in the social and political aspects as well - many Syrians were misled in the beginning and there were many friendly countries that didn’t understand the domestic dynamics. Your actions will differ according to how much consensus there is over a particular issue. There is no doubt that as events have unfolded Syrians have been able to better understand the situation and what is really at stake. This has helped the Armed Forces to better carry out their duties and achieve results. So, what is happening now is not a shift in tactic from defense to attack, but rather a shift in the balance of power in favor of the Armed Forces.
Al-Manar: How has this balance been tipped, Mr. President? Syria is being criticized for asking for the assistance of foreign fighters, and to be fully candid, it is said that Hezbollah fighters are extending assistance. In a previous interview, you said that there are 23 million Syrians; we do not need help from anyone else. What is Hezbollah doing in Syria?
President Assad: The main reason for tipping the balance is the change in people’s opinion in areas that used to incubate armed groups, not necessarily due to lack of patriotism on their part, but because they were deceived. They were led to believe that there was a revolution against the failings of the state. This has changed; many individuals have left these terrorist groups and have returned to their normal lives. As to what is being said about Hezbollah and the participation of foreign fighters alongside the Syrian Army, this is a hugely important issue and has several factors. Each of these factors should be clearly understood. Hezbollah, the battle at Al-Qseir and the recent Israeli airstrike – these three factors cannot be looked at in isolation of the other, they are all a part of the same issue. Let’s be frank. In recent weeks, and particularly after Mr. Hasan Nasrallah’s speech, Arab and foreign media have said that Hezbollah fighters are fighting in Syria and defending the Syrian state, or to use their words “the regime.” Logically speaking, if Hezbollah or the resistance wanted to defend Syria by sending fighters, how many could they send - a few hundred, a thousand or two? We are talking about a battle in which hundreds of thousands of Syrian troops are involved against tens of thousands of terrorists, if not more because of the constant flow of fighters from neighboring and foreign countries that support those terrorists. So clearly, the number of fighters Hezbollah might contribute in order to defend the Syrian state in its battle, would be a drop in the ocean compared to the number of Syrian soldiers fighting the terrorists. When also taking into account the vast expanse of Syria, these numbers will neither protect a state nor ‘regime.’ This is from one perspective. From another, if they say they are defending the state, why now? Battles started after Ramadan in 2011 and escalated into 2012, the summer of 2012 to be precise. They started the battle to “liberate Damascus” and set a zero hour for the first time, the second time and a third time; the four generals were assassinated, a number of individuals fled Syria, and many people believed that was the time the state would collapse. It didn’t. Nevertheless, during all of these times, Hezbollah never intervened, so why would it intervene now? More importantly, why haven’t we seen Hezbollah fighting in Damascus and Aleppo? The more significant battles are in Damascus and in Aleppo, not in Al-Qseir. Al-Qseir is a small town in Homs, why haven’t we seen Hezbollah in the city of Homs? Clearly, all these assumptions are inaccurate. They say Al-Qseir is a strategic border town, but all the borders are strategic for the terrorists in order to smuggle in their fighters and weapons. So, all these propositions have nothing to do with Hezbollah. If we take into account the moans and groans of the Arab media, the statements made by Arab and foreign officials – even Ban Ki-moon expressed concern over Hezbollah in Al-Qseir – all of this is for the objective of suppressing and stifling the resistance. It has nothing to do with defending the Syrian state. The Syrian army has made significant achievements in Damascus, Aleppo, rural Damascus and many other areas; however, we haven’t heard the same moaning as we have heard in Al-Qseir.
Al-Manar: But, Mr. President, the nature of the battle that you and Hezbollah are waging in Al-Qseir seems, to your critics, to take the shape of a safe corridor connecting the coastal region with Damascus. Consequently, if Syria were to be divided, or if geographical changes were to be enforced, this would pave the way for an Alawite state. So, what is the nature of this battle, and how is it connected with the conflict with Israel.
President Assad: First, the Syrian and Lebanese coastal areas are not connected through Al-Qseir. Geographically this is not possible. Second, nobody would fight a battle in order to move towards separation. If you opt for separation, you move towards that objective without waging battles all over the country in order to be pushed into a particular corner. The nature of the battle does not indicate that we are heading for division, but rather the opposite, we are ensuring we remain a united country. Our forefathers rejected the idea of division when the French proposed this during their occupation of Syria because at the time they were very aware of its consequences. Is it possible or even fathomable that generations later, we their children, are less aware or mindful? Once again, the battle in Al-Qseir and all the bemoaning is related to Israel. The timing of the battle in Al-Qseir was synchronized with the Israeli airstrike. Their objective is to stifle the resistance. This is the same old campaign taking on a different form. Now what’s important is not al-Qseir as a town, but the borders; they want to stifle the resistance from land and from the sea. Here the question begs itself - some have said that the resistance should face the enemy and consequently remain in the south. This was said on May 7, 2008, when some of Israel’s agents in Lebanon tried to tamper with the communications system of the resistance; they claimed that the resistance turned its weapons inwards. They said the same thing about the Syrian Army; that the Syrian Army should fight on the borders with Israel. We have said very clearly that our Army will fight the enemy wherever it is. When the enemy is in the north, we move north; the same applies if the enemy comes from the east or the west. This is also the case for Hezbollah. So the question is why is Hezbollah deployed on the borders inside Lebanon or inside Syria? The answer is that our battle is a battle against the Israeli enemy and its proxies inside Syria or inside Lebanon.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, if I might ask about Israel’s involvement in the Syrian crisis through the recent airstrike against Damascus. Israel immediately attached certain messages to this airstrike by saying it doesn’t want escalation or doesn’t intend to interfere in the Syrian crisis. The question is: what does Israel want and what type of interference?
President Assad: This is exactly my point. Everything that is happening at the moment is aimed, first and foremost, at stifling the resistance. Israel’s support of the terrorists was for two purposes. The first is to stifle the resistance; the second is to strike the Syrian air defense systems. It is not interested in anything else.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, since Israel’s objectives are clear, the Syrian state was criticized for its muted response. Everyone was expecting a Syrian response, and the Syrian government stated that it reserves the right to respond at the appropriate time and place. Why didn’t the response come immediately? And is it enough for a senior source to say that missiles have been directed at the Israeli enemy and that any attack will be retaliated immediately without resorting to Army command?
President Assad: We have informed all the Arab and foreign parties - mostly foreign - that contacted us, that we will respond the next time. Of course, there has been more than one response. There have been several Israeli attempted violations to which there was immediate retaliation. But these short-term responses have no real value; they are only of a political nature. If we want to respond to Israel, the response will be of strategic significance.
Al-Manar: How? By opening the Golan front, for instance?
President Assad: This depends on public opinion, whether there is a consensus in support of the resistance or not. That’s the question. Al-Manar: How is the situation in Syria now?
President Assad: In fact, there is clear popular pressure to open the Golan front to resistance. This enthusiasm is also on the Arab level; we have received many Arab delegations wanting to know how young people might be enrolled to come and fight Israel. Of course, resistance is not easy. It is not merely a question of opening the front geographically. It is a political, ideological, and social issue, with the net result being military action.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, if we take into account the incident on the Golan Heights and Syria’s retaliation on the Israeli military vehicle that crossed the combat line, does this mean that the rules of engagement have changed? And if the rules of the game have changed, what is the new equation, so to speak?
President Assad: Real change in the rules of engagement happens when there is a popular condition pushing for resistance. Any other change is short-term, unless we are heading towards war. Any response of any kind might only appear to be a change to the rules of engagement, but I don’t think it really is. The real change is when the people move towards resistance; this is the really dramatic change.
Al-Manar: Don’t you think that this is a little late? After 40 years of quiet and a state of truce on the Golan Heights, now there is talk of a movement on that front, about new equations and about new rules of the game?
President Assad: They always talk about Syria opening the front or closing the front. A state does not create resistance. Resistance can only be called so, when it is popular and spontaneous, it cannot be created. The state can either support or oppose the resistance, - or create obstacles, as is the case with some Arab countries. I believe that a state that opposes the will of its people for resistance is reckless. The issue is not that Syria has decided, after 40 years, to move in this direction. The public’s state of mind is that our National Army is carrying out its duties to protect and liberate our land. Had there not been an army, as was the situation in Lebanon when the army and the state were divided during the civil war, there would have been resistance a long time ago. Today, in the current circumstances, there are a number of factors pushing in that direction. First, there are repeated Israeli aggressions that constitute a major factor in creating this desire and required incentive. Second, the army’s engagement in battles in more than one place throughout Syria has created a sentiment on the part of many civilians that it is their duty to move in this direction in order to support the Armed Forces on the Golan.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, Benjamin Netanyahu said that Israel would not hesitate to attack Syria if it detected that weapons are being conveyed to Hezbollah in Lebanon. If Israel carried out its threats, I want a direct answer from you: what would Syria do?
President Assad: As I have said, we have informed the relevant states that we will respond in kind. Of course, it is difficult to specify the military means that would be used, that is for our military command to decide. We plan for different scenarios, depending on the circumstances and the timing of the strike that would determine which method or weapons.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, after the airstrike that targeted Damascus, there was talk about the S300 missiles and that this missile system will tip the balance. Based on this argument, Netanyahu visited Moscow. My direct question is this: are these missiles on their way to Damascus? Is Syria now in possession of these missiles?
President Assad: It is not our policy to talk publically about military issues in terms of what we possess or what we receive. As far as Russia is concerned, the contracts have nothing to do with the crisis. We have negotiated with them on different kinds of weapons for years, and Russia is committed to honoring these contracts. What I want to say is that neither Netanyahu’s visit nor the crisis and the conditions surrounding it have influenced arms imports. All of our agreements with Russia will be implemented, some have been implemented during the past period and, together with the Russians, we will continue to implement these contracts in the future.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, we have talked about the steadfastness of the Syrian leadership and the Syrian state. We have discussed the progress being achieved on the battlefield, and strengthening the alliance between Syria and the resistance. These are all within the same front. From another perspective, there is diplomatic activity stirring waters that have been stagnant for two and a half years. Before we talk about this and about the Geneva conference and the red lines that Syria has drawn, there was a simple proposition or a simple solution suggested by the former head of the coalition, Muaz al-Khatib. He said that the president, together with 500 other dignitaries would be allowed to leave the country within 20 days, and the crisis would be over. Why don’t you meet this request and put an end to the crisis?
President Assad: I have always talked about the basic principle: that the Syrian people alone have the right to decide whether the president should remain or leave. So, anybody speaking on this subject should state which part of the Syrian people they represent and who granted them the authority to speak on their behalf. As for this initiative, I haven’t actually read it, but I was very happy that they allowed me 20 days and 500 people! I don’t know who proposed the initiative; I don’t care much about names.
Al-Manar: He actually said that you would be given 20 days, 500 people, and no guarantees. You’ll be allowed to leave but with no guarantee whatsoever on whether legal action would be taken against you or not. Mr. President, this brings us to the negotiations, I am referring to Geneva 2. The Syrian government and leadership have announced initial agreement to take part in this conference. If this conference is held, there will be a table with the Syrian flag on one side and the flag of the opposition groups on the other. How can you convince the Syrian people after two and a half years of crisis that you will sit face to face at the same negotiating table with these groups?
President Assad: First of all, regarding the flag, it is meaningless without the people it represents. When we put a flag on a table or anywhere else, we talk about the people represented by that flag. This question can be put to those who raise flags they call Syrian but are different from the official Syrian flag. So, this flag has no value when it does not represent the people. Secondly, we will attend this conference as the official delegation and legitimate representatives of the Syrian people. But, whom do they represent? When the conference is over, we return to Syria, we return home to our people. But when the conference is over, whom do they return to - five-star hotels? Or to the foreign ministries of the states that they represent – which doesn’t include Syria of course - in order to submit their reports? Or do they return to the intelligence services of those countries? So, when we attend this conference, we should know very clearly the positions of some of those sitting at the table - and I say some because the conference format is not clear yet and as such we do not have details as to how the patriotic Syrian opposition will be considered or the other opposition parties in Syria. As for the opposition groups abroad and their flag, we know that we are attending the conference not to negotiate with them, but rather with the states that back them; it will appear as though we are negotiating with the slaves, but essentially we are negotiating with their masters. This is the truth, we shouldn’t deceive ourselves.
Al-Manar: Are you, in the Syrian leadership, convinced that these negotiations will be held next month?
President Assad: We expect them to happen, unless they are obstructed by other states. As far as we are concerned in Syria, we have announced a couple of days ago that we agree in principle to attend.
Al-Manar: When you say in principle, it seems that you are considering other options.
President Assad: In principle, we are in favour of the conference as a notion, but there are no details yet. For example, will there be conditions placed before the conference? If so, these conditions may be unacceptable and we would not attend. So the idea of the conference, of a meeting, in principle is a good one. We will have to wait and see.
Al-Manar: Let’s talk, Mr. President, about the conditions put by the Syrian leadership. What are Syria’s conditions?
President Assad: Simply put, our only condition is that anything agreed upon in any meeting inside or outside the country, including the conference, is subject to the approval of the Syrian people through a popular referendum. This is the only condition. Anything else doesn’t have any value. That is why we are comfortable with going to the conference. We have no complexes. Either side can propose anything, but nothing can be implemented without the approval of the Syrian people. And as long as we are the legitimate representatives of the people, we have nothing to fear.
Al-Manar: Let’s be clear, Mr. President. There is a lot of ambiguity in Geneva 1 and Geneva 2 about the transitional period and the role of President Bashar al-Assad in that transitional period. Are you prepared to hand over all your authorities to this transitional government? And how do you understand this ambiguous term?
President Assad: This is what I made clear in the initiative I proposed in January this year. They say they want a transitional government in which the president has no role. In Syria we have a presidential system, where the President is head of the republic and the Prime Minister heads the government. They want a government with broad authorities. The Syrian constitution gives the government full authorities. The president is the commander-in-chief of the Army and Armed Forces and the head of the Supreme Judicial Council. All the other institutions report directly to the government. Changing the authorities of the president is subject to changing the constitution; the president cannot just relinquish his authorities, he doesn\\\'t have the constitutional right. Changing the constitution requires a popular referendum. When they want to propose such issues, they might be discussed in the conference, and when we agree on something - if we agree, we return home and put it to a popular referendum and then move on. But for them to ask for the amendment of the constitution in advance, this cannot be done neither by the president nor by the government.
Al-Manar: Frankly, Mr. President, all the international positions taken against you and all your political opponents said that they don’t want a role for al-Assad in Syria’s future. This is what the Saudi foreign minister Saud al-Faisal said and this is what the Turks and the Qataris said, and also the Syrian opposition. Will President Assad be nominated for the forthcoming presidential elections in 2014?
President Assad: What I know is that Saud al-Faisal is a specialist in American affairs, I don’t know if he knows anything about Syrian affairs. If he wants to learn, that’s fine! As to the desires of others, I repeat what I have said earlier: the only desires relevant are those of the Syrian people. With regards to the nomination, some parties have said that it is preferable that the president shouldn’t be nominated for the 2014 elections. This issue will be determined closer to the time; it is still too early to discuss this. When the time comes, and I feel, through my meetings and interactions with the Syrian people, that there is a need and public desire for me to nominate myself, I will not hesitate. However, if I feel that the Syrian people do not want me to lead them, then naturally I will not put myself forward. They are wasting their time on such talk.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, you mentioned the Saudi foreign minister Saud al-Faisal. This makes me ask about Syria’s relationship with Saudi Arabia, with Qatar, with Turkey, particularly if we take into account that their recent position in the Arab ministerial committee was relatively moderate. They did not directly and publically call for the ouster of President Assad. Do you feel any change or any support on the part of these countries for a political solution to the Syrian crisis? And is Syria prepared to deal once more with the Arab League, taking into account that the Syrian government asked for an apology from the Arab League?
President Assad: Concerning the Arab states, we see brief changes in their rhetoric but not in their actions. The countries that support the terrorists have not changed; they are still supporting terrorism to the same extent. Turkey also has not made any positive steps. As for Qatar, their role is also the same, the role of the funder - the bank funding the terrorists and supporting them through Turkey. So, overall, no change. As for the Arab League, in Syria we have never pinned our hopes on the Arab League. Even in the past decades, we were barely able to dismantle the mines set for us in the different meetings, whether in the summits or in meetings of the foreign ministers. So in light of this and its recent actions, can we really expect it to play a role? We are open to everybody, we never close our doors. But we should also be realistic and face the truth that they are unable to offer anything, particularly since a significant number of the Arab states are not independent. They receive their orders from the outside. Some of them are sympathetic to us in their hearts, but they cannot act on their feelings because they are not in possession of their decisions. So, no, we do not pin any hopes on the Arab League.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, this leads us to ask: if the Arab environment is as such, and taking into account the developments on the ground and the steadfastness, the Geneva conference and the negotiations, the basic question is: what if the political negotiations fail? What are the consequences of the failure of political negotiations?
President Assad: This is quite possible, because there are states that are obstructing the meeting in principle, and they are going only to avoid embarrassment. They are opposed to any dialogue whether inside or outside Syria. Even the Russians, in several statements, have dampened expectations from this conference. But we should also be accurate in defining this dialogue, particularly in relation to what is happening on the ground. Most of the factions engaged in talking about what is happening in Syria have no influence on the ground; they don’t even have direct relationships with the terrorists. In some instances these terrorists are directly linked with the states that are backing them, in other cases, they are mere gangs paid to carry out terrorist activities. So, the failure of the conference will not significantly change the reality inside Syria, because these states will not stop supporting the terrorists - conference or no conference, and the gangs will not stop their subversive activities. So it has no impact on them.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, the events in Syria are spilling over to neighboring countries. We see what’s happening in Iraq, the explosions in Al-Rihaniye in Turkey and also in Lebanon. In Ersal, Tripoli, Hezbollah taking part in the fighting in Al-Qseir. How does Syria approach the situation in Lebanon, and do you think the Lebanese policy of dissociation is still applied or accepted?
President Assad: Let me pose some questions based on the reality in Syria and in Lebanon about the policy of dissociation in order not to be accused of making a value judgment on whether this policy is right or wrong. Let’s start with some simple questions: Has Lebanon been able to prevent Lebanese interference in Syria? Has it been able to prevent the smuggling of terrorists or weapons into Syria or providing a safe haven for them in Lebanon? It hasn’t; in fact, everyone knows that Lebanon has contributed negatively to the Syrian crisis. Most recently, has Lebanon been able to protect itself against the consequences of the Syrian crisis, most markedly in Tripoli and the missiles that have been falling over different areas of Beirut or its surroundings? It hasn’t. So what kind of dissociation are we talking about? For Lebanon to dissociate itself from the crisis is one thing, and for the government to dissociate itself is another. When the government dissociates itself from a certain issue that affects the interests of the Lebanese people, it is in fact dissociating itself from the Lebanese citizens. I’m not criticizing the Lebanese government - I’m talking about general principles. I don’t want it to be said that I’m criticizing this government. If the Syrian government were to dissociate itself from issues that are of concern to the Syrian people, it would also fail. So in response to your question with regards to Lebanon’s policy of dissociation, we don’t believe this is realistically possible. When my neighbor’s house is on fire, I cannot say that it’s none of my business because sooner or later the fire will spread to my house.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, what would you say to the supporters of the axis of resistance? We are celebrating the anniversary of the victory of the resistance and the liberation of south Lebanon, in an atmosphere of promises of victory, which Mr. Hasan Nasrallah has talked about. You are saying with great confidence that you will emerge triumphant from this crisis. What would you say to all this audience? Are we about to reach the end of this dark tunnel?
President Assad: I believe that the greatest victory achieved by the Arab resistance movements in the past years and decades is primarily an intellectual victory. This resistance wouldn’t have been able to succeed militarily if they hadn’t been able to succeed and stand fast against a campaign aimed at distorting concepts and principles in this region. Before the civil war in Lebanon, some people used to say that Lebanon’s strength lies in its weakness; this is similar to saying that a man’s intelligence lies in his stupidity, or that honor is maintained through corruption. This is an illogical contradiction. The victories of the resistance at different junctures proved that this concept is not true, and it showed that Lebanon’s weakness lies in its weakness and Lebanon’s strength lies in its strength. Lebanon’s strength is in its resistance and these resistance fighters you referred to. Today, more than ever before, we are in need of these ideas, of this mindset, of this steadfastness and of these actions carried out by the resistance fighters. The events in the Arab world during the past years have distorted concepts to the extent that some Arabs have forgotten that the real enemy is still Israel and have instead created internal, sectarian, regional or national enemies. Today we pin our hopes on these resistance fighters to remind the Arab people, through their achievements, that our enemy is still the same. As for my confidence in victory, if we weren’t so confident we wouldn’t have been able to stand fast or to continue this battle after two years of a global attack. This is not a tripartite attack like the one in 1956; it is in fact a global war waged against Syria and the resistance. We have absolute confidence in our victory, and I assure them that Syria will always remain, even more so than before, supportive of the resistance and resistance fighters everywhere in the Arab world.
Al-Manar: In conclusion, it has been my great honor to conduct this interview with Your Excellency, President Bashar al-Assad of the Syrian Arab Republic. Thank you very much. President Assad: You are welcome. I would like to congratulate Al-Manar channel, the channel of resistance, on the anniversary of the liberation and to congratulate the Lebanese people and every resistance fighter in Lebanon.
Al-Manar: Thank you.
33m:34s
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[Arabic] لقاء خاص مع الرئيس بشار الأسد - Bashar...
DAMASCUS, (SANA)-President Bashar al-Assad gave an interview to al-Manar TV broadcasted on Thursday,
Following is the full text of the...
DAMASCUS, (SANA)-President Bashar al-Assad gave an interview to al-Manar TV broadcasted on Thursday,
Following is the full text of the interview:
Al-Manar: In the name of Allah, the Compassionate, the Merciful. Assalamu Alaikum. Bloodshed in Syria continues unabated. This is the only constant over which there is little disagreement between those loyal to the Syrian state and those opposed to it. However, there is no common ground over the other constants and details two years into the current crisis. At the time, a great deal was said about the imminent fall of the regime. Deadlines were set and missed; and all those bets were lost. Today, we are here in the heart of Damascus, enjoying the hospitality of a president who has become a source of consternation to many of his opponents who are still unable to understand the equations that have played havoc with their calculations and prevented his ouster from the Syrian political scene. This unpleasant and unexpected outcome for his opponents upset their schemes and plots because they didn’t take into account one self-evident question: what happens if the regime doesn’t fall? What if President Assad doesn’t leave the Syrian scene? Of course, there are no clear answers; and the result is more destruction, killing and bloodshed. Today there is talk of a critical juncture for Syria. The Syrian Army has moved from defense to attack, achieving one success after another. On a parallel level, stagnant diplomatic waters have been shaken by discussions over a Geneva 2 conference becoming a recurrent theme in the statements of all parties. There are many questions which need answers: political settlement, resorting to the military option to decide the outcome, the Israeli enemy’s direct interference with the course of events in the current crisis, the new equations on the Golan Heights, the relationship with opponents and friends. What is the Syrian leadership’s plan for a way out of a complex and dangerous crisis whose ramifications have started to spill over into neighboring countries? It is our great pleasure tonight to put these questions to H. E. President Bashar al-Assad. Assalamu Alaikum, Mr. President.
President Assad: Assalamu Alaikum. You are most welcome in Damascus.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, we are in the heart of the People’s Palace, two and a half years into the Syrian crisis. At the time, the bet was that the president and his regime would be overthrown within weeks. How have you managed to foil the plots of your opponents and enemies? What is the secret behind this steadfastness?
President Assad: There are a number of factors are involved. One is the Syrian factor, which thwarted their intentions; the other factor is related to those who masterminded these scenarios and ended up defeating themselves because they do not know Syria or understand in detail the situation. They started with the calls of revolution, but a real revolution requires tangible elements; you cannot create a revolution simply by paying money. When this approach failed, they shifted to using sectarian slogans in order to create a division within our society. Even though they were able to infiltrate certain pockets in Syrian society, pockets of ignorance and lack of awareness that exist in any society, they were not able to create this sectarian division. Had they succeeded, Syria would have been divided up from the beginning. They also fell into their own trap by trying to promote the notion that this was a struggle to maintain power rather than a struggle for national sovereignty. No one would fight and martyr themselves in order to secure power for anyone else.
Al-Manar: In the battle for the homeland, it seems that the Syrian leadership, and after two and a half years, is making progress on the battlefield. And here if I might ask you, why have you chosen to move from defense to attack? And don’t you think that you have been late in taking the decision to go on the offensive, and consequently incurred heavy losses, if we take of Al-Qseir as an example.
President Assad: It is not a question of defense or attack. Every battle has its own tactics. From the beginning, we did not deal with each situation from a military perspective alone. We also factored in the social and political aspects as well - many Syrians were misled in the beginning and there were many friendly countries that didn’t understand the domestic dynamics. Your actions will differ according to how much consensus there is over a particular issue. There is no doubt that as events have unfolded Syrians have been able to better understand the situation and what is really at stake. This has helped the Armed Forces to better carry out their duties and achieve results. So, what is happening now is not a shift in tactic from defense to attack, but rather a shift in the balance of power in favor of the Armed Forces.
Al-Manar: How has this balance been tipped, Mr. President? Syria is being criticized for asking for the assistance of foreign fighters, and to be fully candid, it is said that Hezbollah fighters are extending assistance. In a previous interview, you said that there are 23 million Syrians; we do not need help from anyone else. What is Hezbollah doing in Syria?
President Assad: The main reason for tipping the balance is the change in people’s opinion in areas that used to incubate armed groups, not necessarily due to lack of patriotism on their part, but because they were deceived. They were led to believe that there was a revolution against the failings of the state. This has changed; many individuals have left these terrorist groups and have returned to their normal lives. As to what is being said about Hezbollah and the participation of foreign fighters alongside the Syrian Army, this is a hugely important issue and has several factors. Each of these factors should be clearly understood. Hezbollah, the battle at Al-Qseir and the recent Israeli airstrike – these three factors cannot be looked at in isolation of the other, they are all a part of the same issue. Let’s be frank. In recent weeks, and particularly after Mr. Hasan Nasrallah’s speech, Arab and foreign media have said that Hezbollah fighters are fighting in Syria and defending the Syrian state, or to use their words “the regime.” Logically speaking, if Hezbollah or the resistance wanted to defend Syria by sending fighters, how many could they send - a few hundred, a thousand or two? We are talking about a battle in which hundreds of thousands of Syrian troops are involved against tens of thousands of terrorists, if not more because of the constant flow of fighters from neighboring and foreign countries that support those terrorists. So clearly, the number of fighters Hezbollah might contribute in order to defend the Syrian state in its battle, would be a drop in the ocean compared to the number of Syrian soldiers fighting the terrorists. When also taking into account the vast expanse of Syria, these numbers will neither protect a state nor ‘regime.’ This is from one perspective. From another, if they say they are defending the state, why now? Battles started after Ramadan in 2011 and escalated into 2012, the summer of 2012 to be precise. They started the battle to “liberate Damascus” and set a zero hour for the first time, the second time and a third time; the four generals were assassinated, a number of individuals fled Syria, and many people believed that was the time the state would collapse. It didn’t. Nevertheless, during all of these times, Hezbollah never intervened, so why would it intervene now? More importantly, why haven’t we seen Hezbollah fighting in Damascus and Aleppo? The more significant battles are in Damascus and in Aleppo, not in Al-Qseir. Al-Qseir is a small town in Homs, why haven’t we seen Hezbollah in the city of Homs? Clearly, all these assumptions are inaccurate. They say Al-Qseir is a strategic border town, but all the borders are strategic for the terrorists in order to smuggle in their fighters and weapons. So, all these propositions have nothing to do with Hezbollah. If we take into account the moans and groans of the Arab media, the statements made by Arab and foreign officials – even Ban Ki-moon expressed concern over Hezbollah in Al-Qseir – all of this is for the objective of suppressing and stifling the resistance. It has nothing to do with defending the Syrian state. The Syrian army has made significant achievements in Damascus, Aleppo, rural Damascus and many other areas; however, we haven’t heard the same moaning as we have heard in Al-Qseir.
Al-Manar: But, Mr. President, the nature of the battle that you and Hezbollah are waging in Al-Qseir seems, to your critics, to take the shape of a safe corridor connecting the coastal region with Damascus. Consequently, if Syria were to be divided, or if geographical changes were to be enforced, this would pave the way for an Alawite state. So, what is the nature of this battle, and how is it connected with the conflict with Israel.
President Assad: First, the Syrian and Lebanese coastal areas are not connected through Al-Qseir. Geographically this is not possible. Second, nobody would fight a battle in order to move towards separation. If you opt for separation, you move towards that objective without waging battles all over the country in order to be pushed into a particular corner. The nature of the battle does not indicate that we are heading for division, but rather the opposite, we are ensuring we remain a united country. Our forefathers rejected the idea of division when the French proposed this during their occupation of Syria because at the time they were very aware of its consequences. Is it possible or even fathomable that generations later, we their children, are less aware or mindful? Once again, the battle in Al-Qseir and all the bemoaning is related to Israel. The timing of the battle in Al-Qseir was synchronized with the Israeli airstrike. Their objective is to stifle the resistance. This is the same old campaign taking on a different form. Now what’s important is not al-Qseir as a town, but the borders; they want to stifle the resistance from land and from the sea. Here the question begs itself - some have said that the resistance should face the enemy and consequently remain in the south. This was said on May 7, 2008, when some of Israel’s agents in Lebanon tried to tamper with the communications system of the resistance; they claimed that the resistance turned its weapons inwards. They said the same thing about the Syrian Army; that the Syrian Army should fight on the borders with Israel. We have said very clearly that our Army will fight the enemy wherever it is. When the enemy is in the north, we move north; the same applies if the enemy comes from the east or the west. This is also the case for Hezbollah. So the question is why is Hezbollah deployed on the borders inside Lebanon or inside Syria? The answer is that our battle is a battle against the Israeli enemy and its proxies inside Syria or inside Lebanon.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, if I might ask about Israel’s involvement in the Syrian crisis through the recent airstrike against Damascus. Israel immediately attached certain messages to this airstrike by saying it doesn’t want escalation or doesn’t intend to interfere in the Syrian crisis. The question is: what does Israel want and what type of interference?
President Assad: This is exactly my point. Everything that is happening at the moment is aimed, first and foremost, at stifling the resistance. Israel’s support of the terrorists was for two purposes. The first is to stifle the resistance; the second is to strike the Syrian air defense systems. It is not interested in anything else.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, since Israel’s objectives are clear, the Syrian state was criticized for its muted response. Everyone was expecting a Syrian response, and the Syrian government stated that it reserves the right to respond at the appropriate time and place. Why didn’t the response come immediately? And is it enough for a senior source to say that missiles have been directed at the Israeli enemy and that any attack will be retaliated immediately without resorting to Army command?
President Assad: We have informed all the Arab and foreign parties - mostly foreign - that contacted us, that we will respond the next time. Of course, there has been more than one response. There have been several Israeli attempted violations to which there was immediate retaliation. But these short-term responses have no real value; they are only of a political nature. If we want to respond to Israel, the response will be of strategic significance.
Al-Manar: How? By opening the Golan front, for instance?
President Assad: This depends on public opinion, whether there is a consensus in support of the resistance or not. That’s the question. Al-Manar: How is the situation in Syria now?
President Assad: In fact, there is clear popular pressure to open the Golan front to resistance. This enthusiasm is also on the Arab level; we have received many Arab delegations wanting to know how young people might be enrolled to come and fight Israel. Of course, resistance is not easy. It is not merely a question of opening the front geographically. It is a political, ideological, and social issue, with the net result being military action.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, if we take into account the incident on the Golan Heights and Syria’s retaliation on the Israeli military vehicle that crossed the combat line, does this mean that the rules of engagement have changed? And if the rules of the game have changed, what is the new equation, so to speak?
President Assad: Real change in the rules of engagement happens when there is a popular condition pushing for resistance. Any other change is short-term, unless we are heading towards war. Any response of any kind might only appear to be a change to the rules of engagement, but I don’t think it really is. The real change is when the people move towards resistance; this is the really dramatic change.
Al-Manar: Don’t you think that this is a little late? After 40 years of quiet and a state of truce on the Golan Heights, now there is talk of a movement on that front, about new equations and about new rules of the game?
President Assad: They always talk about Syria opening the front or closing the front. A state does not create resistance. Resistance can only be called so, when it is popular and spontaneous, it cannot be created. The state can either support or oppose the resistance, - or create obstacles, as is the case with some Arab countries. I believe that a state that opposes the will of its people for resistance is reckless. The issue is not that Syria has decided, after 40 years, to move in this direction. The public’s state of mind is that our National Army is carrying out its duties to protect and liberate our land. Had there not been an army, as was the situation in Lebanon when the army and the state were divided during the civil war, there would have been resistance a long time ago. Today, in the current circumstances, there are a number of factors pushing in that direction. First, there are repeated Israeli aggressions that constitute a major factor in creating this desire and required incentive. Second, the army’s engagement in battles in more than one place throughout Syria has created a sentiment on the part of many civilians that it is their duty to move in this direction in order to support the Armed Forces on the Golan.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, Benjamin Netanyahu said that Israel would not hesitate to attack Syria if it detected that weapons are being conveyed to Hezbollah in Lebanon. If Israel carried out its threats, I want a direct answer from you: what would Syria do?
President Assad: As I have said, we have informed the relevant states that we will respond in kind. Of course, it is difficult to specify the military means that would be used, that is for our military command to decide. We plan for different scenarios, depending on the circumstances and the timing of the strike that would determine which method or weapons.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, after the airstrike that targeted Damascus, there was talk about the S300 missiles and that this missile system will tip the balance. Based on this argument, Netanyahu visited Moscow. My direct question is this: are these missiles on their way to Damascus? Is Syria now in possession of these missiles?
President Assad: It is not our policy to talk publically about military issues in terms of what we possess or what we receive. As far as Russia is concerned, the contracts have nothing to do with the crisis. We have negotiated with them on different kinds of weapons for years, and Russia is committed to honoring these contracts. What I want to say is that neither Netanyahu’s visit nor the crisis and the conditions surrounding it have influenced arms imports. All of our agreements with Russia will be implemented, some have been implemented during the past period and, together with the Russians, we will continue to implement these contracts in the future.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, we have talked about the steadfastness of the Syrian leadership and the Syrian state. We have discussed the progress being achieved on the battlefield, and strengthening the alliance between Syria and the resistance. These are all within the same front. From another perspective, there is diplomatic activity stirring waters that have been stagnant for two and a half years. Before we talk about this and about the Geneva conference and the red lines that Syria has drawn, there was a simple proposition or a simple solution suggested by the former head of the coalition, Muaz al-Khatib. He said that the president, together with 500 other dignitaries would be allowed to leave the country within 20 days, and the crisis would be over. Why don’t you meet this request and put an end to the crisis?
President Assad: I have always talked about the basic principle: that the Syrian people alone have the right to decide whether the president should remain or leave. So, anybody speaking on this subject should state which part of the Syrian people they represent and who granted them the authority to speak on their behalf. As for this initiative, I haven’t actually read it, but I was very happy that they allowed me 20 days and 500 people! I don’t know who proposed the initiative; I don’t care much about names.
Al-Manar: He actually said that you would be given 20 days, 500 people, and no guarantees. You’ll be allowed to leave but with no guarantee whatsoever on whether legal action would be taken against you or not. Mr. President, this brings us to the negotiations, I am referring to Geneva 2. The Syrian government and leadership have announced initial agreement to take part in this conference. If this conference is held, there will be a table with the Syrian flag on one side and the flag of the opposition groups on the other. How can you convince the Syrian people after two and a half years of crisis that you will sit face to face at the same negotiating table with these groups?
President Assad: First of all, regarding the flag, it is meaningless without the people it represents. When we put a flag on a table or anywhere else, we talk about the people represented by that flag. This question can be put to those who raise flags they call Syrian but are different from the official Syrian flag. So, this flag has no value when it does not represent the people. Secondly, we will attend this conference as the official delegation and legitimate representatives of the Syrian people. But, whom do they represent? When the conference is over, we return to Syria, we return home to our people. But when the conference is over, whom do they return to - five-star hotels? Or to the foreign ministries of the states that they represent – which doesn’t include Syria of course - in order to submit their reports? Or do they return to the intelligence services of those countries? So, when we attend this conference, we should know very clearly the positions of some of those sitting at the table - and I say some because the conference format is not clear yet and as such we do not have details as to how the patriotic Syrian opposition will be considered or the other opposition parties in Syria. As for the opposition groups abroad and their flag, we know that we are attending the conference not to negotiate with them, but rather with the states that back them; it will appear as though we are negotiating with the slaves, but essentially we are negotiating with their masters. This is the truth, we shouldn’t deceive ourselves.
Al-Manar: Are you, in the Syrian leadership, convinced that these negotiations will be held next month?
President Assad: We expect them to happen, unless they are obstructed by other states. As far as we are concerned in Syria, we have announced a couple of days ago that we agree in principle to attend.
Al-Manar: When you say in principle, it seems that you are considering other options.
President Assad: In principle, we are in favour of the conference as a notion, but there are no details yet. For example, will there be conditions placed before the conference? If so, these conditions may be unacceptable and we would not attend. So the idea of the conference, of a meeting, in principle is a good one. We will have to wait and see.
Al-Manar: Let’s talk, Mr. President, about the conditions put by the Syrian leadership. What are Syria’s conditions?
President Assad: Simply put, our only condition is that anything agreed upon in any meeting inside or outside the country, including the conference, is subject to the approval of the Syrian people through a popular referendum. This is the only condition. Anything else doesn’t have any value. That is why we are comfortable with going to the conference. We have no complexes. Either side can propose anything, but nothing can be implemented without the approval of the Syrian people. And as long as we are the legitimate representatives of the people, we have nothing to fear.
Al-Manar: Let’s be clear, Mr. President. There is a lot of ambiguity in Geneva 1 and Geneva 2 about the transitional period and the role of President Bashar al-Assad in that transitional period. Are you prepared to hand over all your authorities to this transitional government? And how do you understand this ambiguous term?
President Assad: This is what I made clear in the initiative I proposed in January this year. They say they want a transitional government in which the president has no role. In Syria we have a presidential system, where the President is head of the republic and the Prime Minister heads the government. They want a government with broad authorities. The Syrian constitution gives the government full authorities. The president is the commander-in-chief of the Army and Armed Forces and the head of the Supreme Judicial Council. All the other institutions report directly to the government. Changing the authorities of the president is subject to changing the constitution; the president cannot just relinquish his authorities, he doesn\'t have the constitutional right. Changing the constitution requires a popular referendum. When they want to propose such issues, they might be discussed in the conference, and when we agree on something - if we agree, we return home and put it to a popular referendum and then move on. But for them to ask for the amendment of the constitution in advance, this cannot be done neither by the president nor by the government.
Al-Manar: Frankly, Mr. President, all the international positions taken against you and all your political opponents said that they don’t want a role for al-Assad in Syria’s future. This is what the Saudi foreign minister Saud al-Faisal said and this is what the Turks and the Qataris said, and also the Syrian opposition. Will President Assad be nominated for the forthcoming presidential elections in 2014?
President Assad: What I know is that Saud al-Faisal is a specialist in American affairs, I don’t know if he knows anything about Syrian affairs. If he wants to learn, that’s fine! As to the desires of others, I repeat what I have said earlier: the only desires relevant are those of the Syrian people. With regards to the nomination, some parties have said that it is preferable that the president shouldn’t be nominated for the 2014 elections. This issue will be determined closer to the time; it is still too early to discuss this. When the time comes, and I feel, through my meetings and interactions with the Syrian people, that there is a need and public desire for me to nominate myself, I will not hesitate. However, if I feel that the Syrian people do not want me to lead them, then naturally I will not put myself forward. They are wasting their time on such talk.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, you mentioned the Saudi foreign minister Saud al-Faisal. This makes me ask about Syria’s relationship with Saudi Arabia, with Qatar, with Turkey, particularly if we take into account that their recent position in the Arab ministerial committee was relatively moderate. They did not directly and publically call for the ouster of President Assad. Do you feel any change or any support on the part of these countries for a political solution to the Syrian crisis? And is Syria prepared to deal once more with the Arab League, taking into account that the Syrian government asked for an apology from the Arab League?
President Assad: Concerning the Arab states, we see brief changes in their rhetoric but not in their actions. The countries that support the terrorists have not changed; they are still supporting terrorism to the same extent. Turkey also has not made any positive steps. As for Qatar, their role is also the same, the role of the funder - the bank funding the terrorists and supporting them through Turkey. So, overall, no change. As for the Arab League, in Syria we have never pinned our hopes on the Arab League. Even in the past decades, we were barely able to dismantle the mines set for us in the different meetings, whether in the summits or in meetings of the foreign ministers. So in light of this and its recent actions, can we really expect it to play a role? We are open to everybody, we never close our doors. But we should also be realistic and face the truth that they are unable to offer anything, particularly since a significant number of the Arab states are not independent. They receive their orders from the outside. Some of them are sympathetic to us in their hearts, but they cannot act on their feelings because they are not in possession of their decisions. So, no, we do not pin any hopes on the Arab League.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, this leads us to ask: if the Arab environment is as such, and taking into account the developments on the ground and the steadfastness, the Geneva conference and the negotiations, the basic question is: what if the political negotiations fail? What are the consequences of the failure of political negotiations?
President Assad: This is quite possible, because there are states that are obstructing the meeting in principle, and they are going only to avoid embarrassment. They are opposed to any dialogue whether inside or outside Syria. Even the Russians, in several statements, have dampened expectations from this conference. But we should also be accurate in defining this dialogue, particularly in relation to what is happening on the ground. Most of the factions engaged in talking about what is happening in Syria have no influence on the ground; they don’t even have direct relationships with the terrorists. In some instances these terrorists are directly linked with the states that are backing them, in other cases, they are mere gangs paid to carry out terrorist activities. So, the failure of the conference will not significantly change the reality inside Syria, because these states will not stop supporting the terrorists - conference or no conference, and the gangs will not stop their subversive activities. So it has no impact on them.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, the events in Syria are spilling over to neighboring countries. We see what’s happening in Iraq, the explosions in Al-Rihaniye in Turkey and also in Lebanon. In Ersal, Tripoli, Hezbollah taking part in the fighting in Al-Qseir. How does Syria approach the situation in Lebanon, and do you think the Lebanese policy of dissociation is still applied or accepted?
President Assad: Let me pose some questions based on the reality in Syria and in Lebanon about the policy of dissociation in order not to be accused of making a value judgment on whether this policy is right or wrong. Let’s start with some simple questions: Has Lebanon been able to prevent Lebanese interference in Syria? Has it been able to prevent the smuggling of terrorists or weapons into Syria or providing a safe haven for them in Lebanon? It hasn’t; in fact, everyone knows that Lebanon has contributed negatively to the Syrian crisis. Most recently, has Lebanon been able to protect itself against the consequences of the Syrian crisis, most markedly in Tripoli and the missiles that have been falling over different areas of Beirut or its surroundings? It hasn’t. So what kind of dissociation are we talking about? For Lebanon to dissociate itself from the crisis is one thing, and for the government to dissociate itself is another. When the government dissociates itself from a certain issue that affects the interests of the Lebanese people, it is in fact dissociating itself from the Lebanese citizens. I’m not criticizing the Lebanese government - I’m talking about general principles. I don’t want it to be said that I’m criticizing this government. If the Syrian government were to dissociate itself from issues that are of concern to the Syrian people, it would also fail. So in response to your question with regards to Lebanon’s policy of dissociation, we don’t believe this is realistically possible. When my neighbor’s house is on fire, I cannot say that it’s none of my business because sooner or later the fire will spread to my house.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, what would you say to the supporters of the axis of resistance? We are celebrating the anniversary of the victory of the resistance and the liberation of south Lebanon, in an atmosphere of promises of victory, which Mr. Hasan Nasrallah has talked about. You are saying with great confidence that you will emerge triumphant from this crisis. What would you say to all this audience? Are we about to reach the end of this dark tunnel?
President Assad: I believe that the greatest victory achieved by the Arab resistance movements in the past years and decades is primarily an intellectual victory. This resistance wouldn’t have been able to succeed militarily if they hadn’t been able to succeed and stand fast against a campaign aimed at distorting concepts and principles in this region. Before the civil war in Lebanon, some people used to say that Lebanon’s strength lies in its weakness; this is similar to saying that a man’s intelligence lies in his stupidity, or that honor is maintained through corruption. This is an illogical contradiction. The victories of the resistance at different junctures proved that this concept is not true, and it showed that Lebanon’s weakness lies in its weakness and Lebanon’s strength lies in its strength. Lebanon’s strength is in its resistance and these resistance fighters you referred to. Today, more than ever before, we are in need of these ideas, of this mindset, of this steadfastness and of these actions carried out by the resistance fighters. The events in the Arab world during the past years have distorted concepts to the extent that some Arabs have forgotten that the real enemy is still Israel and have instead created internal, sectarian, regional or national enemies. Today we pin our hopes on these resistance fighters to remind the Arab people, through their achievements, that our enemy is still the same. As for my confidence in victory, if we weren’t so confident we wouldn’t have been able to stand fast or to continue this battle after two years of a global attack. This is not a tripartite attack like the one in 1956; it is in fact a global war waged against Syria and the resistance. We have absolute confidence in our victory, and I assure them that Syria will always remain, even more so than before, supportive of the resistance and resistance fighters everywhere in the Arab world.
Al-Manar: In conclusion, it has been my great honor to conduct this interview with Your Excellency, President Bashar al-Assad of the Syrian Arab Republic. Thank you very much. President Assad: You are welcome. I would like to congratulate Al-Manar channel, the channel of resistance, on the anniversary of the liberation and to congratulate the Lebanese people and every resistance fighter in Lebanon.
Al-Manar: Thank you.
34m:40s
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[17 June 13] Turkish protesters defy Erdogan-s demand to end...
Respect for the National woe has been the theme for the Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan\'s addresses to his supporters in Istanbul...
Respect for the National woe has been the theme for the Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan\'s addresses to his supporters in Istanbul today and Ankara yesterday was \'respect for the national will\', understood to be his party\'s kickstart to national elections that are scheduled to take place in Turkey in March 2014. The prime minister vows that the people of Turkey protect their democracy and willpower.
Verenia Keet, Press TV, Istanbul
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Clip from Interfaith Hussain Day Play - Funny Scene
Full DVD now available for purchase. Contact:
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Clip from the Interfaith Hussain Day Drama held on January 11th, 2014. This...
Full DVD now available for purchase. Contact:
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Clip from the Interfaith Hussain Day Drama held on January 11th, 2014. This year\\\'s theme was “Hai Haath Minnaz Zillah” Imam Hussain\\\'s [as] call on the day of Ashura: he will not live with humiliation. This was the first ever play about Karbala held in a professional theater in North America.
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Interfaith Hussain Day Clip - Ali Akbar Scene - Wali Ul Asr School
Full DVD now available for purchase. Contact:
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Clip from the Interfaith Hussain Day Drama held on January 11th, 2014. This...
Full DVD now available for purchase. Contact:
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Clip from the Interfaith Hussain Day Drama held on January 11th, 2014. This year\\\\\\\'s theme was “Hai Haath Minnaz Zillah” Imam Hussain\\\\\\\'s [as] call on the day of Ashura: he will not live with humiliation. This was the first ever play about Karbala held in a professional theater in North America.
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Interfaith Hussain Day Clip - Trailer - Wali Ul Asr School
Full DVD now available for purchase. Contact:
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Clip from the Interfaith Hussain Day Drama held on January 11th, 2014. This...
Full DVD now available for purchase. Contact:
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Clip from the Interfaith Hussain Day Drama held on January 11th, 2014. This year\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\'s theme was “Hai Haath Minnaz Zillah” Imam Hussain\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\'s [as] call on the day of Ashura: he will not live with humiliation. This was the first ever play about Karbala held in a professional theater in North America.
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What is Islam all about (in a nutshell)? | Sister SPADE | English
The short answer is: It’s the natural way of life for all of humanity, the pivotal theme of which is Tawhid (the oneness of God). The...
The short answer is: It’s the natural way of life for all of humanity, the pivotal theme of which is Tawhid (the oneness of God). The long answer? Well… you’ll have to explore that yourself! And the primary and most important source for understanding Islam is the Holy Quran. It’ll take you a lifetime to figure it out, but trust me: it’d be worth it!
#Islam #Quran #Ahlulbayt #IslamicTeachings #Love #Compassion #Prophet #Muhammad #SisterSpade
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The Inevitable End to Tyranny; Trump Leaving Office; Canadian Gov. Gen....
- The temporary nature of injustice and tyranny, however long it may be
- 26:227, related to this concept
- Example of Bani Israel in Chapter 17...
- The temporary nature of injustice and tyranny, however long it may be
- 26:227, related to this concept
- Example of Bani Israel in Chapter 17
- Witnessing the fall of many powerful rulers in the last few decades; The Shah of Iran, Marcos of Philippines, Noriega of Mexica, Hosni Mubarak of Egypt, Ghaddafi of Libya and Saddam of Iraq
- Similarly, we witnessed the disgraceful end of the term of former President Trump, a person who did not even attend the inauguration of the new president.
- Touching upon the resignation of Governor General Julie Payette, after a report exposing a toxic and tense work environment
- The remnants of ISIS in Iraq have not paid attention to the Qur’ān and have again raised its head and committed two suicide bombing in a marketplace in Baghdad, killing many innocents
- Ending with 3:26, pertaining to the theme of this sermon
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[15 SHABAAN EXCLUSIVE] Hope - Awaiting The Reappearance - Short...
A special presentation prepared on the auspicious occasion of the birth anniversary of Imam of our Time [AJTFS] by Haider Mehdi Jafri.
Theme: Hope.
A special presentation prepared on the auspicious occasion of the birth anniversary of Imam of our Time [AJTFS] by Haider Mehdi Jafri.
Theme: Hope.
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Animation Dar Masir Baran - Full Movie | انیمیشن در مسیر...
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استان فیلم «در مسیر باران» مضمونی اجتماعی دارد و در زمان ولایت عهدی امام رضا (علیه السلام) روایت می شود. درباره روزهای سخت زندگی مردی عرب زبان به نام ریان است که در بغداد زندگی می کند و به علت وقوع قحطی و خشکسالی در آنجا، تامین معیشت خانواده اش برای او سخت شده است. به همین دلیل به پیشنهاد دوست خود با نام هرمز، همراه با او و به قصد تجارت عازم مرو می شوند. در طول سفر ماجراهای جذابی برای هرمز و ریان اتفاق میافتد تا اینکه در نهایت متوجه می شوند که امام رضا (علیه السلام) نیز از مدینه عازم مرو شده است و…
سال پخش: 1397
سال تولید: 1395
کارگردان: حامد کاتبی
تهیهکننده: مریم چوپان زاده
نویسنده: سعید تشکری
زانر: انیمیشن، ماجراجویی
برای مشاهده ی فیلم های بیشتر بر روی لینک زیر کلیک کنید:
https://www.youtube.com/playlist?list=PLa53rlU0NjOLXMmlWOZsTee-8OAA9GXRw
https://www.youtube.com/playlist?list=PLa53rlU0NjOIoLq8HlKnaHwhDlkiVW7ZD
Synopsis:
The province of the film \"In the Path of Rain\" has a social theme and is narrated during the reign of Imam Reza (as). It is about the hard days of the life of an Arabic-speaking man named Ryan, who lives in Baghdad and where it is difficult for him to provide for his family due to the famine and drought there. For this reason, at the suggestion of his friend named Hormoz, they go to Merv with him for business. During the journey, fascinating adventures happen to Hormoz and Ryan until they finally realize that Imam Reza (as) has also left Medina for Merv and…
Release: 2019
Production: 2017
Director: Hamed Katabi
Producer: Maryam Choupanzadeh
Author: Saeed Tashkari
Genre: Animation, Adventure
هنراول با هدف تولید و عرضه محصولات فرهنگی در بازار نمایش خانگی، به عنوان بخش مهمی از صنعت ملی سینما، تاسیس
شد و از همان ابتدا دو عملیات اصلی آماده سازی و انتشار محتوا در دستور کار ما قرار گرفت
استراتژی کلی ما تولید محتوای متناسب و با کیفیت برای بخش های مختلف جامعه و ارتقاء سطح ذائقه مخاطبان شبکه بزرگ نمایش خانگی است
HonarAval was established with the aim of producing and publishing products for home theater market.
The main strategy of HonarAval is to produce and distribute high quality contents for different digital markets, and satisfy a large variety of audiences.
67m:40s
3090
The Martyrs\' Goal | Imam Sayyid Ali Khamenei | Farsi Sub English
Martyrdom is one of the purest concepts in Islam.
But have we ever wondered, what is the goal of the martyrs?
Why did they go to the...
Martyrdom is one of the purest concepts in Islam.
But have we ever wondered, what is the goal of the martyrs?
Why did they go to the battlefield and sacrifice all they had on the path of Allah?
What is a common theme in the last will and testaments of these martyrs?
Imam Sayyid Ali Khamenei explains.
1m:50s
9367
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Did the Prophet Have a Successor? | Sister Spade | English
Today, Sister Spade discusses a central and core theme of Islam: the successorship of the Holy Prophet (S). Every great project and mission...
Today, Sister Spade discusses a central and core theme of Islam: the successorship of the Holy Prophet (S). Every great project and mission has a great person to lead it, who always leaves a successor behind before he leaves. So could it be that the great mission of Islam could have been left without a successor to lead the people after the Holy Prophet Muhammad (S)?
#SisterSpade #IslamicPulse #Shia #Sunni #Unity #Islam #Quran #Ahlulbayt
3m:31s
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They Are the Stars in the Sky | Nasheed | Arabic Sub English
This is a beautiful Nasheed by various artists who are all talking about one theme; the Shuhada, the martyrs who are the shining stars in the skies...
This is a beautiful Nasheed by various artists who are all talking about one theme; the Shuhada, the martyrs who are the shining stars in the skies as they light our way.
May Allah bless all the Shuhada of Islam, from the beginning to the end.
May Allah include us among the Shuhada serving the cause of Allah.
5m:56s
4636
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Allah the Repayor: Imam Husayn (A) Special | CubeSync | English
The months of Muharram and Safar are upon us, and as Imam Khomeini (R) says, it is the months of Muharram and Safar that have protected...
The months of Muharram and Safar are upon us, and as Imam Khomeini (R) says, it is the months of Muharram and Safar that have protected Islam.
In this year\\\'s months of Muharram and Safar, the Islamic Pulse team has gone out of their way in order to bring you fresh productions with one central theme; Imam Husayn (A).
In this Imam Husayn (A) special, CubeSync is proud to present an exposition on some excerpts of Imam Husayn\\\'s Dua \\\'Arafa, which was recited by Imam Husayn (A) on his way to Karbala. A journey which led to Imam Husayn\\\'s martyrdom.
Sayyid Shahryar speaks to us about Allah being the Repayor and so much more.
Salutations be upon Husayn, upon Ali ibn al-Husayn, the children of Husayn, and the companions of Husayn - peace and blessing be upon them all.
#CubeSync #Imam_Husayn #Husayn #Islam #IslamicPulse #Arbaeen #Karbala #Ashura #Arafa #Dua #Allah #Ethics #Revolution #Islamic_Revolution
4m:14s
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Introduction & The Messenger and the Message - 1 [Surah Qaaf] - English
#Quran #Qaaf #Commentary
In Part 1 of the commentary (tafseer) of Chapter 50 of the Quran, Surah Qaaf, we review the introduction to the...
#Quran #Qaaf #Commentary
In Part 1 of the commentary (tafseer) of Chapter 50 of the Quran, Surah Qaaf, we review the introduction to the chapter and delve into Verses 1 and 2 under the theme of \"The Messenger and the Message\"
𝐀𝐫𝐚𝐛𝐢𝐜 𝐐𝐮𝐫𝐚𝐧𝐢𝐜 𝐑𝐞𝐜𝐢𝐭𝐚𝐭𝐢𝐨𝐧: Shaykh Hasan al-Nakhli from Dar al-Sayyida Ruqayya (peace be upon her) found @ http://www.ruqayah.net/audio/index.php?catb=166&part=1
--
𝐒𝐔𝐏𝐏𝐎𝐑𝐓 our videos by pledging a monthly amount at 𝐡𝐭𝐭𝐩𝐬://𝐰𝐰𝐰.𝐩𝐚𝐭𝐫𝐞𝐨𝐧.𝐜𝐨𝐦/𝐓𝐡𝐞𝐈𝐏𝐇
𝐅𝐨𝐥𝐥𝐨𝐰 𝐔𝐬 𝐨𝐧 𝐒𝐨𝐜𝐢𝐚𝐥 𝐌𝐞𝐝𝐢𝐚:
𝐖𝐞𝐛𝐩𝐚𝐠𝐞: www.qaim.ca
𝐓𝐰𝐢𝐭𝐭𝐞𝐫: @QAIMInstitute
𝐘𝐨𝐮𝐓𝐮𝐛𝐞: QAIM Institute
𝐈𝐧𝐬𝐭𝐚𝐠𝐫𝐚𝐦: QAIMInstitute
𝐒𝐧𝐚𝐩𝐜𝐡𝐚𝐭: QAIM Institute
𝐅𝐚𝐜𝐞𝐛𝐨𝐨𝐤: @QAIMInstitute
𝐒𝐡𝐢𝐚𝐓𝐕: QAIM_Institute
𝐅𝐢𝐧𝐝 𝐮𝐬 𝐨𝐧 𝐲𝐨𝐮𝐫 𝐟𝐚𝐯𝐨𝐮𝐫𝐢𝐭𝐞 𝐏𝐨𝐝𝐜𝐚𝐬𝐭 𝐩𝐥𝐚𝐭𝐟𝐨𝐫𝐦:
𝐀𝐧𝐜𝐡𝐨𝐫: https://anchor.fm/qaim-institute
𝐀𝐩𝐩𝐥𝐞 𝐏𝐨𝐝𝐜𝐚𝐬𝐭𝐬: https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/living-the-quran-through-the-living-quran/id1403132691?mt=2&uo=4
𝐆𝐨𝐨𝐠𝐥𝐞 𝐏𝐨𝐝𝐜𝐚𝐬𝐭𝐬: https://www.google.com/podcasts?feed=aHR0cHM6Ly9hbmNob3IuZm0vcy81MTMwOWU4L3BvZGNhc3QvcnNz
𝐒𝐩𝐨𝐭𝐢𝐟𝐲: https://open.spotify.com/show/2OvCYQ0wWqEhGsmYohuNXi
14m:11s
1957
Video Tags:
Arabic,Quran,Islam,Koran,Islamic,Education,Muslim,Muhammad,Shia,Sunnah,Sunni,spirituality,meditation,qaaf,qaf
The Resurrection - 2 [Surah Qaaf]
#Quran #Qaaf #Commentary
In Part 2 of the commentary (tafseer) of Chapter 50 of the Quran, Surah Qaaf, we review Verses 3 to 5 under the...
#Quran #Qaaf #Commentary
In Part 2 of the commentary (tafseer) of Chapter 50 of the Quran, Surah Qaaf, we review Verses 3 to 5 under the theme of \"The Resurrection\"
𝐀𝐫𝐚𝐛𝐢𝐜 𝐐𝐮𝐫𝐚𝐧𝐢𝐜 𝐑𝐞𝐜𝐢𝐭𝐚𝐭𝐢𝐨𝐧: Shaykh Hasan al-Nakhli from Dar al-Sayyida Ruqayya (peace be upon her) found @ http://www.ruqayah.net/audio/index.php?catb=166&part=1
--
𝐒𝐔𝐏𝐏𝐎𝐑𝐓 our videos by pledging a monthly amount at 𝐡𝐭𝐭𝐩𝐬://𝐰𝐰𝐰.𝐩𝐚𝐭𝐫𝐞𝐨𝐧.𝐜𝐨𝐦/𝐓𝐡𝐞𝐈𝐏𝐇
𝐅𝐨𝐥𝐥𝐨𝐰 𝐔𝐬 𝐨𝐧 𝐒𝐨𝐜𝐢𝐚𝐥 𝐌𝐞𝐝𝐢𝐚:
𝐖𝐞𝐛𝐩𝐚𝐠𝐞: www.qaim.ca
𝐓𝐰𝐢𝐭𝐭𝐞𝐫: @QAIMInstitute
𝐘𝐨𝐮𝐓𝐮𝐛𝐞: QAIM Institute
𝐈𝐧𝐬𝐭𝐚𝐠𝐫𝐚𝐦: QAIMInstitute
𝐒𝐧𝐚𝐩𝐜𝐡𝐚𝐭: QAIM Institute
𝐅𝐚𝐜𝐞𝐛𝐨𝐨𝐤: @QAIMInstitute
𝐒𝐡𝐢𝐚𝐓𝐕: QAIM_Institute
𝐅𝐢𝐧𝐝 𝐮𝐬 𝐨𝐧 𝐲𝐨𝐮𝐫 𝐟𝐚𝐯𝐨𝐮𝐫𝐢𝐭𝐞 𝐏𝐨𝐝𝐜𝐚𝐬𝐭 𝐩𝐥𝐚𝐭𝐟𝐨𝐫𝐦:
𝐀𝐧𝐜𝐡𝐨𝐫: https://anchor.fm/qaim-institute
𝐀𝐩𝐩𝐥𝐞 𝐏𝐨𝐝𝐜𝐚𝐬𝐭𝐬: https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/living-the-quran-through-the-living-quran/id1403132691?mt=2&uo=4
𝐆𝐨𝐨𝐠𝐥𝐞 𝐏𝐨𝐝𝐜𝐚𝐬𝐭𝐬: https://www.google.com/podcasts?feed=aHR0cHM6Ly9hbmNob3IuZm0vcy81MTMwOWU4L3BvZGNhc3QvcnNz
𝐒𝐩𝐨𝐭𝐢𝐟𝐲: https://open.spotify.com/show/2OvCYQ0wWqEhGsmYohuNXi
7m:6s
1172
Video Tags:
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Allah\'s Blessings for Humanity - 4 [Surah Qaaf] Arabic / English
#Quran #Qaaf #Commentary
In Part 4 of the commentary (tafseer) of Chapter 50 of the Quran, Surah Qaaf, we review Verses 9 to 11 under the...
#Quran #Qaaf #Commentary
In Part 4 of the commentary (tafseer) of Chapter 50 of the Quran, Surah Qaaf, we review Verses 9 to 11 under the theme of \"Allah\'s Blessings for Humanity\".
وَنَزَّلْنَا مِنَ السَّمَاءِ مَاءً مُبَارَكًا فَأَنْبَتْنَا بِهِ جَنَّاتٍ وَحَبَّ الْحَصِيدِ {9}
[50:9] And We send down from the cloud water abounding in good, then We cause to grow thereby gardens and the grain that is reaped,
وَالنَّخْلَ بَاسِقَاتٍ لَهَا طَلْعٌ نَضِيدٌ {10}
[50:10] And the tall palm-trees having spadices closely set one above another,
رِزْقًا لِلْعِبَادِ ۖ وَأَحْيَيْنَا بِهِ بَلْدَةً مَيْتًا ۚ كَذَٰلِكَ الْخُرُوجُ {11}
[50:11] A sustenance for the servants, and We give life thereby to a dead land; thus is the rising.
𝐀𝐫𝐚𝐛𝐢𝐜 𝐐𝐮𝐫𝐚𝐧𝐢𝐜 𝐑𝐞𝐜𝐢𝐭𝐚𝐭𝐢𝐨𝐧: Shaykh Hasan al-Nakhli from Dar al-Sayyida Ruqayya (peace be upon her) found @ http://www.ruqayah.net/audio/index.php?catb=166&part=1
--
𝐒𝐔𝐏𝐏𝐎𝐑𝐓 our videos by pledging a monthly amount at 𝐡𝐭𝐭𝐩𝐬://𝐰𝐰𝐰.𝐩𝐚𝐭𝐫𝐞𝐨𝐧.𝐜𝐨𝐦/𝐓𝐡𝐞𝐈𝐏𝐇
𝐅𝐨𝐥𝐥𝐨𝐰 𝐔𝐬 𝐨𝐧 𝐒𝐨𝐜𝐢𝐚𝐥 𝐌𝐞𝐝𝐢𝐚:
𝐖𝐞𝐛𝐩𝐚𝐠𝐞: www.qaim.ca
𝐓𝐰𝐢𝐭𝐭𝐞𝐫: @QAIMInstitute
𝐘𝐨𝐮𝐓𝐮𝐛𝐞: QAIM Institute
𝐈𝐧𝐬𝐭𝐚𝐠𝐫𝐚𝐦: QAIMInstitute
𝐒𝐧𝐚𝐩𝐜𝐡𝐚𝐭: QAIM Institute
𝐅𝐚𝐜𝐞𝐛𝐨𝐨𝐤: @QAIMInstitute
𝐒𝐡𝐢𝐚𝐓𝐕: QAIM_Institute
𝐅𝐢𝐧𝐝 𝐮𝐬 𝐨𝐧 𝐲𝐨𝐮𝐫 𝐟𝐚𝐯𝐨𝐮𝐫𝐢𝐭𝐞 𝐏𝐨𝐝𝐜𝐚𝐬𝐭 𝐩𝐥𝐚𝐭𝐟𝐨𝐫𝐦:
𝐀𝐧𝐜𝐡𝐨𝐫: https://anchor.fm/qaim-institute
𝐀𝐩𝐩𝐥𝐞 𝐏𝐨𝐝𝐜𝐚𝐬𝐭𝐬: https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/living-the-quran-through-the-living-quran/id1403132691?mt=2&uo=4
𝐆𝐨𝐨𝐠𝐥𝐞 𝐏𝐨𝐝𝐜𝐚𝐬𝐭𝐬: https://www.google.com/podcasts?feed=aHR0cHM6Ly9hbmNob3IuZm0vcy81MTMwOWU4L3BvZGNhc3QvcnNz
𝐒𝐩𝐨𝐭𝐢𝐟𝐲: https://open.spotify.com/show/2OvCYQ0wWqEhGsmYohuNXi
7m:8s
2173
Video Tags:
Arabic,Quran,Islam,Koran,Islamic,Education,Muslim,spirituality,meditation,qaaf,qaf
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Proofs of God in Creation - 3 [Surah Qaaf] Arabic / English
#Quran #Qaaf #Commentary
In Part 2 of the commentary (tafseer) of Chapter 50 of the Quran, Surah Qaaf, we review Verses 6 to 8 under the...
#Quran #Qaaf #Commentary
In Part 2 of the commentary (tafseer) of Chapter 50 of the Quran, Surah Qaaf, we review Verses 6 to 8 under the theme of \"Proofs of God in Creation\".
أَفَلَمْ يَنْظُرُوا إِلَى السَّمَاءِ فَوْقَهُمْ كَيْفَ بَنَيْنَاهَا وَزَيَّنَّاهَا وَمَا لَهَا مِنْ فُرُوجٍ {6}
[50:6] Do they not then look up to heaven above them how We have made it and adorned it and it has no gaps?
وَالْأَرْضَ مَدَدْنَاهَا وَأَلْقَيْنَا فِيهَا رَوَاسِيَ وَأَنْبَتْنَا فِيهَا مِنْ كُلِّ زَوْجٍ بَهِيجٍ {7}
[50:7] And the earth, We have made it plain and cast in it mountains and We have made to grow therein of all beautiful kinds,
تَبْصِرَةً وَذِكْرَىٰ لِكُلِّ عَبْدٍ مُنِيبٍ {8}
[50:8] To give sight and as a reminder to every servant who turns frequently (to Allah).
𝐀𝐫𝐚𝐛𝐢𝐜 𝐐𝐮𝐫𝐚𝐧𝐢𝐜 𝐑𝐞𝐜𝐢𝐭𝐚𝐭𝐢𝐨𝐧: Shaykh Hasan al-Nakhli from Dar al-Sayyida Ruqayya (peace be upon her) found @ http://www.ruqayah.net/audio/index.php?catb=166&part=1
--
𝐒𝐔𝐏𝐏𝐎𝐑𝐓 our videos by pledging a monthly amount at 𝐡𝐭𝐭𝐩𝐬://𝐰𝐰𝐰.𝐩𝐚𝐭𝐫𝐞𝐨𝐧.𝐜𝐨𝐦/𝐓𝐡𝐞𝐈𝐏𝐇
𝐅𝐨𝐥𝐥𝐨𝐰 𝐔𝐬 𝐨𝐧 𝐒𝐨𝐜𝐢𝐚𝐥 𝐌𝐞𝐝𝐢𝐚:
𝐖𝐞𝐛𝐩𝐚𝐠𝐞: www.qaim.ca
𝐓𝐰𝐢𝐭𝐭𝐞𝐫: @QAIMInstitute
𝐘𝐨𝐮𝐓𝐮𝐛𝐞: QAIM Institute
𝐈𝐧𝐬𝐭𝐚𝐠𝐫𝐚𝐦: QAIMInstitute
𝐒𝐧𝐚𝐩𝐜𝐡𝐚𝐭: QAIM Institute
𝐅𝐚𝐜𝐞𝐛𝐨𝐨𝐤: @QAIMInstitute
𝐒𝐡𝐢𝐚𝐓𝐕: QAIM_Institute
𝐅𝐢𝐧𝐝 𝐮𝐬 𝐨𝐧 𝐲𝐨𝐮𝐫 𝐟𝐚𝐯𝐨𝐮𝐫𝐢𝐭𝐞 𝐏𝐨𝐝𝐜𝐚𝐬𝐭 𝐩𝐥𝐚𝐭𝐟𝐨𝐫𝐦:
𝐀𝐧𝐜𝐡𝐨𝐫: https://anchor.fm/qaim-institute
𝐀𝐩𝐩𝐥𝐞 𝐏𝐨𝐝𝐜𝐚𝐬𝐭𝐬: https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/living-the-quran-through-the-living-quran/id1403132691?mt=2&uo=4
𝐆𝐨𝐨𝐠𝐥𝐞 𝐏𝐨𝐝𝐜𝐚𝐬𝐭𝐬: https://www.google.com/podcasts?feed=aHR0cHM6Ly9hbmNob3IuZm0vcy81MTMwOWU4L3BvZGNhc3QvcnNz
𝐒𝐩𝐨𝐭𝐢𝐟𝐲: https://open.spotify.com/show/2OvCYQ0wWqEhGsmYohuNXi
10m:23s
2096
Video Tags:
Arabic,Quran,Islam,Koran,Islamic,Education,Muslim,spirituality,meditation,qaaf,qaf
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Juz 29 of 30 | Journeying our eyes through the Quran | Sister Fatemah...
The 29th juz has 10 makki surahs and 1 madani surah. Meccan surahs focus on aqeedah and one of the primary beliefs is the day of accountability....
The 29th juz has 10 makki surahs and 1 madani surah. Meccan surahs focus on aqeedah and one of the primary beliefs is the day of accountability. The Qur’an explores the theme of ma’ad in great depth. In Surah Ma’arij for example Allah swt describes the day as incredibly long, feeling as though it is 50,000 years. The prophet (s) however is told to look forward to this day, and find comfort in it. Since the day of judgment is a day of accountability, it is the day of true justice and a manifestation of God’s perfection. A question to ask ourselves is if we genuinely believe in the occurrence of this day? Do our beliefs manifest into actions?
16m:51s
997
Juz 26 of 30 | Journeying our eyes through the Quran | Sister Fatemah...
Continuing on with the theme-based approach of Juz 25, 26 and 27, this episode explores the concept of the shayatin or the devils by focusing on...
Continuing on with the theme-based approach of Juz 25, 26 and 27, this episode explores the concept of the shayatin or the devils by focusing on the role they have on our lives and our minds. The aim here is to deconstruct the many misconceptions we have regarding the shayatin’s presence over us through Quranic verses, recognising the capacities in which they exist to misconstrue our thoughts and misguide us from the right path. In building a better awareness of this, we can thus move towards seeking protection from shaytaan through the remembrance of Allah (swt).
12m:33s
865
Juz 21 of 30 | Journeying our eyes through the Quran | Sister Fatemah...
The 21st Juz consists of Surat al-Ankabut (last 23 verses, The Spider), Surat ar-Ruum (60 verse, The Romans), Sura Luqman (34...
The 21st Juz consists of Surat al-Ankabut (last 23 verses, The Spider), Surat ar-Ruum (60 verse, The Romans), Sura Luqman (34 verses), Sura as-Sajdah (30 verses, The Prostration), and Surat al-Ahzab (First 30 verses, The Confederates). A major theme of the Quran is its juxtaposition of this world in relation to the hereafter. God reminds us of the certainty of death, and the promise of the hereafter, and in this realization lies the purpose of our being in this temporary world, also referred to as the ‘lower existence’. Death is a reminder that we will all inevitably return to Him, so our life here should be one of servitude so as to secure the hereafter. God cautions us in Surah Luqman to be mindful of the death, and the day of reckoning, where none will atone for the other, and warns us not to be deceived by this world.
14m:39s
1242
A Means To The Cause | Reach the Peak | English
"Reach the Peak" as we delve deeply into the beautiful pages of Nahjul Balagha and the wise words of the Commander of the Faithful, the first...
"Reach the Peak" as we delve deeply into the beautiful pages of Nahjul Balagha and the wise words of the Commander of the Faithful, the first divinely appointed Imam, Imam Ali ibne Abi Talib (A).
In this episode, Sayyid Amir Behbahani speaks to us about "A Means To The Cause".
What is a theme that is discussed in Hikmah number 9 of Imam Ali (A), found in Nahjul Balagha?
And what is Hikmah number 37 of Imam Ali (A), and what does it have to do with our discussion as regards to Hikmah number 9?
What are two interesting events that occurred with Imam Ali (A) on the way to the battle of Siffin?
What do verses number 25 thru 29 in Surah Dukhan have to do with our discussion and in response to what did Imam Ali (A) recite it in?
Finally, what do we learn from Hikmah number 9 of Imam Ali (A), found in Nahjul Balagha?
If you ultimately want to "Reach the Peak", you're going to have to take the first step - wherever you are!
#IslamicPulse #ReachthePeak #ImamAli #Rajab #NahjulBalagha #RTP #Islam #Allah #Shia #Muslim #Sunni #AhlulBayt #Imamate #Wilayate #Ali
5m:59s
1966
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Imam Ali (A)'s Resistance from Beginning to End | IP Talk Show |...
Welcome to the Islamic Pulse Talk Show.
In this episode we\'re talking about \"Imam Ali (A)\'s Resistance from Beginning to...
Welcome to the Islamic Pulse Talk Show.
In this episode we\'re talking about \"Imam Ali (A)\'s Resistance from Beginning to End\".
How is the concept of Tawheed intertwined and interconnected with the being of the Commander of the Faithful, Amirul Mo\'mineen Imam Ali ibn Abi Talib (A)?
What is the central theme in all divine religions?
What is the connection between economics, politics, spirituality, the individual, and the society in the Pure Muhammadan Islam?
What is the connection between politics and spirituality in the Pure Muhammadan Islam?
What is a beautiful statement of the Messenger of Allah (S) regarding Imam Ali (A)?
How did Imam Ali (A) deal with the concepts of politics and spirituality and jurisprudence?
In what ways did Imam Ali (A) show resistance in his life, for the sake of Allah and on the path of Allah?
Is there a spirituality in the school of thought of Imam Ali (A) where one doesn\'t step on the toes of tyrants and oppressors?
What are some examples of present-day religious figures who have the correct understanding of the balance between spirituality and politics?
In what way can we guarantee that we are on the true path of the Commander of the Faithful, Amirul Mo\'mineen Imam Ali (A)?
Who were the two protectors of the Messenger of Allah (S), throughout his life?
What is the comprehensive sacrifice of Imam Ali (A) and how does this comprehensive sacrifice teach us to manage our lives and our families?
And finally, when does the divine mission of every single Muslim end?
To answer these questions and more, we humbly invited Sayyid Agha Ali Raza from the Islamic Republic of Pakistan, to sit down with us and speak a little bit about \"Imam Ali (A)\'s Resistance from Beginning to End\".
Our condolences to the believers all across the world, wherever you are, upon the martyrdom anniversary of the Commander of the Faithful, the first divinely appointed Imam, the living miracle of the Messenger of Allah (S), Imam Ali ibne Abi Talib (A).
#IslamicPulse #IPTalkShow #Allah #Muslims #Islam #Ramadan #Ramadhan #Imam #Ali #ImamAli #AliIbnAbiTalib #Shahadat #Martyrdom #Wilayate #19Ramadan #Allegiance #Thaqalain #Zulfiqar #Oppressor #Oppression #NahjulBalagha #AmirulMomineen #Commander #RamadanKareem #RamadanMubarak #Sawm #Ramadan2023 #Ramadan1444 #Fasting #Wilayate #AhlulBayt #Quran #Qadr #Imamate #Wilayah #WilayatAlFaqih #Faqih #Khamenei #JihadeTabyiin #AwaitedOne #Mahdi #Media #SoftWar #IslamicRepublic #Revolution #Resistance #IslamicRevolution #IslamicAwareness
22m:4s
1542
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