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[27 Aug 2014] Weeks of israeli bloodshed continues to haunt Gazans - English

A demonstration against the oppressive regime of Al Saud to STOP BLOODSHED IN SAUDI and Immediate release of Sheikh Nimr Al-Nimr who was attacked, injured and arrested on July 8. Shia & Sunni both came out on the street of Toronto on Saturday JULY 21st to show their support to the oppressed in Saudi. Protest was organized in-front of US Consulate (360 University Avenue, Toronto ON M5G 1S4).

Syrian troops are gaining ground in their battle against insurgents while tension is rising on the border with Turkey. With the Turkish premier headed to Washington some say a western-backed military intervention may be in the making. Others suggest the US and UK\'s stated intention to double support for militants while also calling for talks suggests the proxy war could continue for some time to come. How can the bloodshed come to an end? Is a political solution still possible? These questions and much more are discussed in this edition of The Debate. Watch this video on our website: http://www.presstv.com/Program/303472... Broadcast Date: 13 May 2013 Follow our Facebook on: https://www.facebook.com/presstv Follow our Twitter on: http://twitter.com/presstv Follow our Tumblr on: http://presstvchannel.tumblr.com

[18 August 2013] Yemenis take to streets to condemn Egypt bloodshed - English

[19 Aug 2014] Israel is behind bloodshed and the spread of terrorism in the region - English

[12th April 2016] Obama responsible for bloodshed in Libya: Analyst | Press TV English

Fresh bloodshed in Iraq. At least 42 people have been killed in a series of bombings in different parts of Baghdad. Nearly a dozen explosives-laden cars went off in five different areas across Baghdad province. The explosives targeted busy streets and markets in mainly Shia-populated districts and left 80 people injured. The deadliest attack was in the town of Nahrawan, south of the capital where two bombs killed seven people. Sunday\'s blasts bring to over 610 the number of Iraqis who\'ve been killed so far this month. The Arab country has been hit by fresh violence since the beginning of 2013. Based on official estimates, more than 5300 people-- mostly civilians, have lost their lives this year.

Another day of bloodshed in Iraq. At least 21 people have been killed as a car bomb went off in the country\'s northeast. The blast hit a café in the town of Buhriz some 60 kilometers north of Baghdad. Nearly two-dozen people have reportedly been injured. Just yesterday, about 40 Iraqis were killed in blasts in and around Baghdad. The attacks targeted mostly Shia areas. Violence has been surging across Iraq in recent months. According to UN estimates, more than six-thousand people have lost their lives this year alone. Monday\'s attack brings to more than 130 the death toll since the beginning of December.

The United Nations Security Council has expressed concern over the humanitarian crisis and the deteriorating security situation in South Sudan amid a fierce political battle. The UN said an attack by armed men on its compound in Jonglei state left two Indian peacekeepers dead on Thursday. The targets of the attack were said to be members of President Salva Kiir\\\'s tribe who had sought refuge in the UN compound. The violence began on Sunday in the capital Juba following a failed coup and has since spread rapidly across the country. The president has accused former vice president Riek Machar of attempting to seize power by force. At least 500 people are believed to have died since Sunday in the fighting between the army and Machar\\\'s supporters. The oil-rich country has been struggling to achieve stable government since it seceded from Sudan in 2011, with Western support.

Another day of bloodshed in Iraq. At least 22 people are killed in mortar attacks on a town south of the capital Baghdad. Five mortar rounds hit a residential area, a market and a parking lot in the town of Musayyib. Over 50 people were also injured there. The town, which is close to the Shia-dominated city of Hillah, had been a former stronghold of insurgents. A bomb attack in the same town on Tuesday claimed five lives. Iraq has been witnessing a surge in attacks by al-Qaeda-linked militants for more than six months now. Reports say over 15-hundred civilians and security forces have been killed since the beginning of this year. That\\\'s in addition to 68-hundred people who lost their lives there last year.

Funerals for protesters killed after a day of violent protests on Friday were held by grieving relatives in Baghdad and Najaf. Across the country, at least 40 protesters died, as demonstrators vented their frustration at political elites who they say have failed to improve their lives after years of conflict and economic hardship. More than 2,000 people were injured nationwide in those protests, according to medical sources and the Iraqi High Commission on Human Rights (IHCHR). The latest bloodshed was the second major bout of violence this month. A series of clashes two weeks ago between protesters and security forces left 157 people dead and over 6,000 wounded. Hundreds of protesters gathered again on Saturday in central Baghdad in what is due to be another day of mass demonstrations. Parliament was set to meet on Saturday in an emergency session to discuss protesters\' demands. (Source: Reuters) Watch Live: http://www.presstv.com/live.html Twitter: http://twitter.com/PressTV LiveLeak: http://www.liveleak.com/c/PressTV Facebook: http://www.facebook.com/PRESSTV Instagram: http://instagram.com/presstvchannel #PressTV #Iran #News

DAMASCUS, (SANA)-President Bashar al-Assad gave an interview to al-Manar TV broadcasted on Thursday, Following is the full text of the interview: Al-Manar: In the name of Allah, the Compassionate, the Merciful. Assalamu Alaikum. Bloodshed in Syria continues unabated. This is the only constant over which there is little disagreement between those loyal to the Syrian state and those opposed to it. However, there is no common ground over the other constants and details two years into the current crisis. At the time, a great deal was said about the imminent fall of the regime. Deadlines were set and missed; and all those bets were lost. Today, we are here in the heart of Damascus, enjoying the hospitality of a president who has become a source of consternation to many of his opponents who are still unable to understand the equations that have played havoc with their calculations and prevented his ouster from the Syrian political scene. This unpleasant and unexpected outcome for his opponents upset their schemes and plots because they didn’t take into account one self-evident question: what happens if the regime doesn’t fall? What if President Assad doesn’t leave the Syrian scene? Of course, there are no clear answers; and the result is more destruction, killing and bloodshed. Today there is talk of a critical juncture for Syria. The Syrian Army has moved from defense to attack, achieving one success after another. On a parallel level, stagnant diplomatic waters have been shaken by discussions over a Geneva 2 conference becoming a recurrent theme in the statements of all parties. There are many questions which need answers: political settlement, resorting to the military option to decide the outcome, the Israeli enemy’s direct interference with the course of events in the current crisis, the new equations on the Golan Heights, the relationship with opponents and friends. What is the Syrian leadership’s plan for a way out of a complex and dangerous crisis whose ramifications have started to spill over into neighboring countries? It is our great pleasure tonight to put these questions to H. E. President Bashar al-Assad. Assalamu Alaikum, Mr. President. President Assad: Assalamu Alaikum. You are most welcome in Damascus. Al-Manar: Mr. President, we are in the heart of the People’s Palace, two and a half years into the Syrian crisis. At the time, the bet was that the president and his regime would be overthrown within weeks. How have you managed to foil the plots of your opponents and enemies? What is the secret behind this steadfastness? President Assad: There are a number of factors are involved. One is the Syrian factor, which thwarted their intentions; the other factor is related to those who masterminded these scenarios and ended up defeating themselves because they do not know Syria or understand in detail the situation. They started with the calls of revolution, but a real revolution requires tangible elements; you cannot create a revolution simply by paying money. When this approach failed, they shifted to using sectarian slogans in order to create a division within our society. Even though they were able to infiltrate certain pockets in Syrian society, pockets of ignorance and lack of awareness that exist in any society, they were not able to create this sectarian division. Had they succeeded, Syria would have been divided up from the beginning. They also fell into their own trap by trying to promote the notion that this was a struggle to maintain power rather than a struggle for national sovereignty. No one would fight and martyr themselves in order to secure power for anyone else. Al-Manar: In the battle for the homeland, it seems that the Syrian leadership, and after two and a half years, is making progress on the battlefield. And here if I might ask you, why have you chosen to move from defense to attack? And don’t you think that you have been late in taking the decision to go on the offensive, and consequently incurred heavy losses, if we take of Al-Qseir as an example. President Assad: It is not a question of defense or attack. Every battle has its own tactics. From the beginning, we did not deal with each situation from a military perspective alone. We also factored in the social and political aspects as well - many Syrians were misled in the beginning and there were many friendly countries that didn’t understand the domestic dynamics. Your actions will differ according to how much consensus there is over a particular issue. There is no doubt that as events have unfolded Syrians have been able to better understand the situation and what is really at stake. This has helped the Armed Forces to better carry out their duties and achieve results. So, what is happening now is not a shift in tactic from defense to attack, but rather a shift in the balance of power in favor of the Armed Forces. Al-Manar: How has this balance been tipped, Mr. President? Syria is being criticized for asking for the assistance of foreign fighters, and to be fully candid, it is said that Hezbollah fighters are extending assistance. In a previous interview, you said that there are 23 million Syrians; we do not need help from anyone else. What is Hezbollah doing in Syria? President Assad: The main reason for tipping the balance is the change in people’s opinion in areas that used to incubate armed groups, not necessarily due to lack of patriotism on their part, but because they were deceived. They were led to believe that there was a revolution against the failings of the state. This has changed; many individuals have left these terrorist groups and have returned to their normal lives. As to what is being said about Hezbollah and the participation of foreign fighters alongside the Syrian Army, this is a hugely important issue and has several factors. Each of these factors should be clearly understood. Hezbollah, the battle at Al-Qseir and the recent Israeli airstrike – these three factors cannot be looked at in isolation of the other, they are all a part of the same issue. Let’s be frank. In recent weeks, and particularly after Mr. Hasan Nasrallah’s speech, Arab and foreign media have said that Hezbollah fighters are fighting in Syria and defending the Syrian state, or to use their words “the regime.” Logically speaking, if Hezbollah or the resistance wanted to defend Syria by sending fighters, how many could they send - a few hundred, a thousand or two? We are talking about a battle in which hundreds of thousands of Syrian troops are involved against tens of thousands of terrorists, if not more because of the constant flow of fighters from neighboring and foreign countries that support those terrorists. So clearly, the number of fighters Hezbollah might contribute in order to defend the Syrian state in its battle, would be a drop in the ocean compared to the number of Syrian soldiers fighting the terrorists. When also taking into account the vast expanse of Syria, these numbers will neither protect a state nor ‘regime.’ This is from one perspective. From another, if they say they are defending the state, why now? Battles started after Ramadan in 2011 and escalated into 2012, the summer of 2012 to be precise. They started the battle to “liberate Damascus” and set a zero hour for the first time, the second time and a third time; the four generals were assassinated, a number of individuals fled Syria, and many people believed that was the time the state would collapse. It didn’t. Nevertheless, during all of these times, Hezbollah never intervened, so why would it intervene now? More importantly, why haven’t we seen Hezbollah fighting in Damascus and Aleppo? The more significant battles are in Damascus and in Aleppo, not in Al-Qseir. Al-Qseir is a small town in Homs, why haven’t we seen Hezbollah in the city of Homs? Clearly, all these assumptions are inaccurate. They say Al-Qseir is a strategic border town, but all the borders are strategic for the terrorists in order to smuggle in their fighters and weapons. So, all these propositions have nothing to do with Hezbollah. If we take into account the moans and groans of the Arab media, the statements made by Arab and foreign officials – even Ban Ki-moon expressed concern over Hezbollah in Al-Qseir – all of this is for the objective of suppressing and stifling the resistance. It has nothing to do with defending the Syrian state. The Syrian army has made significant achievements in Damascus, Aleppo, rural Damascus and many other areas; however, we haven’t heard the same moaning as we have heard in Al-Qseir. Al-Manar: But, Mr. President, the nature of the battle that you and Hezbollah are waging in Al-Qseir seems, to your critics, to take the shape of a safe corridor connecting the coastal region with Damascus. Consequently, if Syria were to be divided, or if geographical changes were to be enforced, this would pave the way for an Alawite state. So, what is the nature of this battle, and how is it connected with the conflict with Israel. President Assad: First, the Syrian and Lebanese coastal areas are not connected through Al-Qseir. Geographically this is not possible. Second, nobody would fight a battle in order to move towards separation. If you opt for separation, you move towards that objective without waging battles all over the country in order to be pushed into a particular corner. The nature of the battle does not indicate that we are heading for division, but rather the opposite, we are ensuring we remain a united country. Our forefathers rejected the idea of division when the French proposed this during their occupation of Syria because at the time they were very aware of its consequences. Is it possible or even fathomable that generations later, we their children, are less aware or mindful? Once again, the battle in Al-Qseir and all the bemoaning is related to Israel. The timing of the battle in Al-Qseir was synchronized with the Israeli airstrike. Their objective is to stifle the resistance. This is the same old campaign taking on a different form. Now what’s important is not al-Qseir as a town, but the borders; they want to stifle the resistance from land and from the sea. Here the question begs itself - some have said that the resistance should face the enemy and consequently remain in the south. This was said on May 7, 2008, when some of Israel’s agents in Lebanon tried to tamper with the communications system of the resistance; they claimed that the resistance turned its weapons inwards. They said the same thing about the Syrian Army; that the Syrian Army should fight on the borders with Israel. We have said very clearly that our Army will fight the enemy wherever it is. When the enemy is in the north, we move north; the same applies if the enemy comes from the east or the west. This is also the case for Hezbollah. So the question is why is Hezbollah deployed on the borders inside Lebanon or inside Syria? The answer is that our battle is a battle against the Israeli enemy and its proxies inside Syria or inside Lebanon. Al-Manar: Mr. President, if I might ask about Israel’s involvement in the Syrian crisis through the recent airstrike against Damascus. Israel immediately attached certain messages to this airstrike by saying it doesn’t want escalation or doesn’t intend to interfere in the Syrian crisis. The question is: what does Israel want and what type of interference? President Assad: This is exactly my point. Everything that is happening at the moment is aimed, first and foremost, at stifling the resistance. Israel’s support of the terrorists was for two purposes. The first is to stifle the resistance; the second is to strike the Syrian air defense systems. It is not interested in anything else. Al-Manar: Mr. President, since Israel’s objectives are clear, the Syrian state was criticized for its muted response. Everyone was expecting a Syrian response, and the Syrian government stated that it reserves the right to respond at the appropriate time and place. Why didn’t the response come immediately? And is it enough for a senior source to say that missiles have been directed at the Israeli enemy and that any attack will be retaliated immediately without resorting to Army command? President Assad: We have informed all the Arab and foreign parties - mostly foreign - that contacted us, that we will respond the next time. Of course, there has been more than one response. There have been several Israeli attempted violations to which there was immediate retaliation. But these short-term responses have no real value; they are only of a political nature. If we want to respond to Israel, the response will be of strategic significance. Al-Manar: How? By opening the Golan front, for instance? President Assad: This depends on public opinion, whether there is a consensus in support of the resistance or not. That’s the question. Al-Manar: How is the situation in Syria now? President Assad: In fact, there is clear popular pressure to open the Golan front to resistance. This enthusiasm is also on the Arab level; we have received many Arab delegations wanting to know how young people might be enrolled to come and fight Israel. Of course, resistance is not easy. It is not merely a question of opening the front geographically. It is a political, ideological, and social issue, with the net result being military action. Al-Manar: Mr. President, if we take into account the incident on the Golan Heights and Syria’s retaliation on the Israeli military vehicle that crossed the combat line, does this mean that the rules of engagement have changed? And if the rules of the game have changed, what is the new equation, so to speak? President Assad: Real change in the rules of engagement happens when there is a popular condition pushing for resistance. Any other change is short-term, unless we are heading towards war. Any response of any kind might only appear to be a change to the rules of engagement, but I don’t think it really is. The real change is when the people move towards resistance; this is the really dramatic change. Al-Manar: Don’t you think that this is a little late? After 40 years of quiet and a state of truce on the Golan Heights, now there is talk of a movement on that front, about new equations and about new rules of the game? President Assad: They always talk about Syria opening the front or closing the front. A state does not create resistance. Resistance can only be called so, when it is popular and spontaneous, it cannot be created. The state can either support or oppose the resistance, - or create obstacles, as is the case with some Arab countries. I believe that a state that opposes the will of its people for resistance is reckless. The issue is not that Syria has decided, after 40 years, to move in this direction. The public’s state of mind is that our National Army is carrying out its duties to protect and liberate our land. Had there not been an army, as was the situation in Lebanon when the army and the state were divided during the civil war, there would have been resistance a long time ago. Today, in the current circumstances, there are a number of factors pushing in that direction. First, there are repeated Israeli aggressions that constitute a major factor in creating this desire and required incentive. Second, the army’s engagement in battles in more than one place throughout Syria has created a sentiment on the part of many civilians that it is their duty to move in this direction in order to support the Armed Forces on the Golan. Al-Manar: Mr. President, Benjamin Netanyahu said that Israel would not hesitate to attack Syria if it detected that weapons are being conveyed to Hezbollah in Lebanon. If Israel carried out its threats, I want a direct answer from you: what would Syria do? President Assad: As I have said, we have informed the relevant states that we will respond in kind. Of course, it is difficult to specify the military means that would be used, that is for our military command to decide. We plan for different scenarios, depending on the circumstances and the timing of the strike that would determine which method or weapons. Al-Manar: Mr. President, after the airstrike that targeted Damascus, there was talk about the S300 missiles and that this missile system will tip the balance. Based on this argument, Netanyahu visited Moscow. My direct question is this: are these missiles on their way to Damascus? Is Syria now in possession of these missiles? President Assad: It is not our policy to talk publically about military issues in terms of what we possess or what we receive. As far as Russia is concerned, the contracts have nothing to do with the crisis. We have negotiated with them on different kinds of weapons for years, and Russia is committed to honoring these contracts. What I want to say is that neither Netanyahu’s visit nor the crisis and the conditions surrounding it have influenced arms imports. All of our agreements with Russia will be implemented, some have been implemented during the past period and, together with the Russians, we will continue to implement these contracts in the future. Al-Manar: Mr. President, we have talked about the steadfastness of the Syrian leadership and the Syrian state. We have discussed the progress being achieved on the battlefield, and strengthening the alliance between Syria and the resistance. These are all within the same front. From another perspective, there is diplomatic activity stirring waters that have been stagnant for two and a half years. Before we talk about this and about the Geneva conference and the red lines that Syria has drawn, there was a simple proposition or a simple solution suggested by the former head of the coalition, Muaz al-Khatib. He said that the president, together with 500 other dignitaries would be allowed to leave the country within 20 days, and the crisis would be over. Why don’t you meet this request and put an end to the crisis? President Assad: I have always talked about the basic principle: that the Syrian people alone have the right to decide whether the president should remain or leave. So, anybody speaking on this subject should state which part of the Syrian people they represent and who granted them the authority to speak on their behalf. As for this initiative, I haven’t actually read it, but I was very happy that they allowed me 20 days and 500 people! I don’t know who proposed the initiative; I don’t care much about names. Al-Manar: He actually said that you would be given 20 days, 500 people, and no guarantees. You’ll be allowed to leave but with no guarantee whatsoever on whether legal action would be taken against you or not. Mr. President, this brings us to the negotiations, I am referring to Geneva 2. The Syrian government and leadership have announced initial agreement to take part in this conference. If this conference is held, there will be a table with the Syrian flag on one side and the flag of the opposition groups on the other. How can you convince the Syrian people after two and a half years of crisis that you will sit face to face at the same negotiating table with these groups? President Assad: First of all, regarding the flag, it is meaningless without the people it represents. When we put a flag on a table or anywhere else, we talk about the people represented by that flag. This question can be put to those who raise flags they call Syrian but are different from the official Syrian flag. So, this flag has no value when it does not represent the people. Secondly, we will attend this conference as the official delegation and legitimate representatives of the Syrian people. But, whom do they represent? When the conference is over, we return to Syria, we return home to our people. But when the conference is over, whom do they return to - five-star hotels? Or to the foreign ministries of the states that they represent – which doesn’t include Syria of course - in order to submit their reports? Or do they return to the intelligence services of those countries? So, when we attend this conference, we should know very clearly the positions of some of those sitting at the table - and I say some because the conference format is not clear yet and as such we do not have details as to how the patriotic Syrian opposition will be considered or the other opposition parties in Syria. As for the opposition groups abroad and their flag, we know that we are attending the conference not to negotiate with them, but rather with the states that back them; it will appear as though we are negotiating with the slaves, but essentially we are negotiating with their masters. This is the truth, we shouldn’t deceive ourselves. Al-Manar: Are you, in the Syrian leadership, convinced that these negotiations will be held next month? President Assad: We expect them to happen, unless they are obstructed by other states. As far as we are concerned in Syria, we have announced a couple of days ago that we agree in principle to attend. Al-Manar: When you say in principle, it seems that you are considering other options. President Assad: In principle, we are in favour of the conference as a notion, but there are no details yet. For example, will there be conditions placed before the conference? If so, these conditions may be unacceptable and we would not attend. So the idea of the conference, of a meeting, in principle is a good one. We will have to wait and see. Al-Manar: Let’s talk, Mr. President, about the conditions put by the Syrian leadership. What are Syria’s conditions? President Assad: Simply put, our only condition is that anything agreed upon in any meeting inside or outside the country, including the conference, is subject to the approval of the Syrian people through a popular referendum. This is the only condition. Anything else doesn’t have any value. That is why we are comfortable with going to the conference. We have no complexes. Either side can propose anything, but nothing can be implemented without the approval of the Syrian people. And as long as we are the legitimate representatives of the people, we have nothing to fear. Al-Manar: Let’s be clear, Mr. President. There is a lot of ambiguity in Geneva 1 and Geneva 2 about the transitional period and the role of President Bashar al-Assad in that transitional period. Are you prepared to hand over all your authorities to this transitional government? And how do you understand this ambiguous term? President Assad: This is what I made clear in the initiative I proposed in January this year. They say they want a transitional government in which the president has no role. In Syria we have a presidential system, where the President is head of the republic and the Prime Minister heads the government. They want a government with broad authorities. The Syrian constitution gives the government full authorities. The president is the commander-in-chief of the Army and Armed Forces and the head of the Supreme Judicial Council. All the other institutions report directly to the government. Changing the authorities of the president is subject to changing the constitution; the president cannot just relinquish his authorities, he doesn\\\'t have the constitutional right. Changing the constitution requires a popular referendum. When they want to propose such issues, they might be discussed in the conference, and when we agree on something - if we agree, we return home and put it to a popular referendum and then move on. But for them to ask for the amendment of the constitution in advance, this cannot be done neither by the president nor by the government. Al-Manar: Frankly, Mr. President, all the international positions taken against you and all your political opponents said that they don’t want a role for al-Assad in Syria’s future. This is what the Saudi foreign minister Saud al-Faisal said and this is what the Turks and the Qataris said, and also the Syrian opposition. Will President Assad be nominated for the forthcoming presidential elections in 2014? President Assad: What I know is that Saud al-Faisal is a specialist in American affairs, I don’t know if he knows anything about Syrian affairs. If he wants to learn, that’s fine! As to the desires of others, I repeat what I have said earlier: the only desires relevant are those of the Syrian people. With regards to the nomination, some parties have said that it is preferable that the president shouldn’t be nominated for the 2014 elections. This issue will be determined closer to the time; it is still too early to discuss this. When the time comes, and I feel, through my meetings and interactions with the Syrian people, that there is a need and public desire for me to nominate myself, I will not hesitate. However, if I feel that the Syrian people do not want me to lead them, then naturally I will not put myself forward. They are wasting their time on such talk. Al-Manar: Mr. President, you mentioned the Saudi foreign minister Saud al-Faisal. This makes me ask about Syria’s relationship with Saudi Arabia, with Qatar, with Turkey, particularly if we take into account that their recent position in the Arab ministerial committee was relatively moderate. They did not directly and publically call for the ouster of President Assad. Do you feel any change or any support on the part of these countries for a political solution to the Syrian crisis? And is Syria prepared to deal once more with the Arab League, taking into account that the Syrian government asked for an apology from the Arab League? President Assad: Concerning the Arab states, we see brief changes in their rhetoric but not in their actions. The countries that support the terrorists have not changed; they are still supporting terrorism to the same extent. Turkey also has not made any positive steps. As for Qatar, their role is also the same, the role of the funder - the bank funding the terrorists and supporting them through Turkey. So, overall, no change. As for the Arab League, in Syria we have never pinned our hopes on the Arab League. Even in the past decades, we were barely able to dismantle the mines set for us in the different meetings, whether in the summits or in meetings of the foreign ministers. So in light of this and its recent actions, can we really expect it to play a role? We are open to everybody, we never close our doors. But we should also be realistic and face the truth that they are unable to offer anything, particularly since a significant number of the Arab states are not independent. They receive their orders from the outside. Some of them are sympathetic to us in their hearts, but they cannot act on their feelings because they are not in possession of their decisions. So, no, we do not pin any hopes on the Arab League. Al-Manar: Mr. President, this leads us to ask: if the Arab environment is as such, and taking into account the developments on the ground and the steadfastness, the Geneva conference and the negotiations, the basic question is: what if the political negotiations fail? What are the consequences of the failure of political negotiations? President Assad: This is quite possible, because there are states that are obstructing the meeting in principle, and they are going only to avoid embarrassment. They are opposed to any dialogue whether inside or outside Syria. Even the Russians, in several statements, have dampened expectations from this conference. But we should also be accurate in defining this dialogue, particularly in relation to what is happening on the ground. Most of the factions engaged in talking about what is happening in Syria have no influence on the ground; they don’t even have direct relationships with the terrorists. In some instances these terrorists are directly linked with the states that are backing them, in other cases, they are mere gangs paid to carry out terrorist activities. So, the failure of the conference will not significantly change the reality inside Syria, because these states will not stop supporting the terrorists - conference or no conference, and the gangs will not stop their subversive activities. So it has no impact on them. Al-Manar: Mr. President, the events in Syria are spilling over to neighboring countries. We see what’s happening in Iraq, the explosions in Al-Rihaniye in Turkey and also in Lebanon. In Ersal, Tripoli, Hezbollah taking part in the fighting in Al-Qseir. How does Syria approach the situation in Lebanon, and do you think the Lebanese policy of dissociation is still applied or accepted? President Assad: Let me pose some questions based on the reality in Syria and in Lebanon about the policy of dissociation in order not to be accused of making a value judgment on whether this policy is right or wrong. Let’s start with some simple questions: Has Lebanon been able to prevent Lebanese interference in Syria? Has it been able to prevent the smuggling of terrorists or weapons into Syria or providing a safe haven for them in Lebanon? It hasn’t; in fact, everyone knows that Lebanon has contributed negatively to the Syrian crisis. Most recently, has Lebanon been able to protect itself against the consequences of the Syrian crisis, most markedly in Tripoli and the missiles that have been falling over different areas of Beirut or its surroundings? It hasn’t. So what kind of dissociation are we talking about? For Lebanon to dissociate itself from the crisis is one thing, and for the government to dissociate itself is another. When the government dissociates itself from a certain issue that affects the interests of the Lebanese people, it is in fact dissociating itself from the Lebanese citizens. I’m not criticizing the Lebanese government - I’m talking about general principles. I don’t want it to be said that I’m criticizing this government. If the Syrian government were to dissociate itself from issues that are of concern to the Syrian people, it would also fail. So in response to your question with regards to Lebanon’s policy of dissociation, we don’t believe this is realistically possible. When my neighbor’s house is on fire, I cannot say that it’s none of my business because sooner or later the fire will spread to my house. Al-Manar: Mr. President, what would you say to the supporters of the axis of resistance? We are celebrating the anniversary of the victory of the resistance and the liberation of south Lebanon, in an atmosphere of promises of victory, which Mr. Hasan Nasrallah has talked about. You are saying with great confidence that you will emerge triumphant from this crisis. What would you say to all this audience? Are we about to reach the end of this dark tunnel? President Assad: I believe that the greatest victory achieved by the Arab resistance movements in the past years and decades is primarily an intellectual victory. This resistance wouldn’t have been able to succeed militarily if they hadn’t been able to succeed and stand fast against a campaign aimed at distorting concepts and principles in this region. Before the civil war in Lebanon, some people used to say that Lebanon’s strength lies in its weakness; this is similar to saying that a man’s intelligence lies in his stupidity, or that honor is maintained through corruption. This is an illogical contradiction. The victories of the resistance at different junctures proved that this concept is not true, and it showed that Lebanon’s weakness lies in its weakness and Lebanon’s strength lies in its strength. Lebanon’s strength is in its resistance and these resistance fighters you referred to. Today, more than ever before, we are in need of these ideas, of this mindset, of this steadfastness and of these actions carried out by the resistance fighters. The events in the Arab world during the past years have distorted concepts to the extent that some Arabs have forgotten that the real enemy is still Israel and have instead created internal, sectarian, regional or national enemies. Today we pin our hopes on these resistance fighters to remind the Arab people, through their achievements, that our enemy is still the same. As for my confidence in victory, if we weren’t so confident we wouldn’t have been able to stand fast or to continue this battle after two years of a global attack. This is not a tripartite attack like the one in 1956; it is in fact a global war waged against Syria and the resistance. We have absolute confidence in our victory, and I assure them that Syria will always remain, even more so than before, supportive of the resistance and resistance fighters everywhere in the Arab world. Al-Manar: In conclusion, it has been my great honor to conduct this interview with Your Excellency, President Bashar al-Assad of the Syrian Arab Republic. Thank you very much. President Assad: You are welcome. I would like to congratulate Al-Manar channel, the channel of resistance, on the anniversary of the liberation and to congratulate the Lebanese people and every resistance fighter in Lebanon. Al-Manar: Thank you.

DAMASCUS, (SANA)-President Bashar al-Assad gave an interview to al-Manar TV broadcasted on Thursday, Following is the full text of the interview: Al-Manar: In the name of Allah, the Compassionate, the Merciful. Assalamu Alaikum. Bloodshed in Syria continues unabated. This is the only constant over which there is little disagreement between those loyal to the Syrian state and those opposed to it. However, there is no common ground over the other constants and details two years into the current crisis. At the time, a great deal was said about the imminent fall of the regime. Deadlines were set and missed; and all those bets were lost. Today, we are here in the heart of Damascus, enjoying the hospitality of a president who has become a source of consternation to many of his opponents who are still unable to understand the equations that have played havoc with their calculations and prevented his ouster from the Syrian political scene. This unpleasant and unexpected outcome for his opponents upset their schemes and plots because they didn’t take into account one self-evident question: what happens if the regime doesn’t fall? What if President Assad doesn’t leave the Syrian scene? Of course, there are no clear answers; and the result is more destruction, killing and bloodshed. Today there is talk of a critical juncture for Syria. The Syrian Army has moved from defense to attack, achieving one success after another. On a parallel level, stagnant diplomatic waters have been shaken by discussions over a Geneva 2 conference becoming a recurrent theme in the statements of all parties. There are many questions which need answers: political settlement, resorting to the military option to decide the outcome, the Israeli enemy’s direct interference with the course of events in the current crisis, the new equations on the Golan Heights, the relationship with opponents and friends. What is the Syrian leadership’s plan for a way out of a complex and dangerous crisis whose ramifications have started to spill over into neighboring countries? It is our great pleasure tonight to put these questions to H. E. President Bashar al-Assad. Assalamu Alaikum, Mr. President. President Assad: Assalamu Alaikum. You are most welcome in Damascus. Al-Manar: Mr. President, we are in the heart of the People’s Palace, two and a half years into the Syrian crisis. At the time, the bet was that the president and his regime would be overthrown within weeks. How have you managed to foil the plots of your opponents and enemies? What is the secret behind this steadfastness? President Assad: There are a number of factors are involved. One is the Syrian factor, which thwarted their intentions; the other factor is related to those who masterminded these scenarios and ended up defeating themselves because they do not know Syria or understand in detail the situation. They started with the calls of revolution, but a real revolution requires tangible elements; you cannot create a revolution simply by paying money. When this approach failed, they shifted to using sectarian slogans in order to create a division within our society. Even though they were able to infiltrate certain pockets in Syrian society, pockets of ignorance and lack of awareness that exist in any society, they were not able to create this sectarian division. Had they succeeded, Syria would have been divided up from the beginning. They also fell into their own trap by trying to promote the notion that this was a struggle to maintain power rather than a struggle for national sovereignty. No one would fight and martyr themselves in order to secure power for anyone else. Al-Manar: In the battle for the homeland, it seems that the Syrian leadership, and after two and a half years, is making progress on the battlefield. And here if I might ask you, why have you chosen to move from defense to attack? And don’t you think that you have been late in taking the decision to go on the offensive, and consequently incurred heavy losses, if we take of Al-Qseir as an example. President Assad: It is not a question of defense or attack. Every battle has its own tactics. From the beginning, we did not deal with each situation from a military perspective alone. We also factored in the social and political aspects as well - many Syrians were misled in the beginning and there were many friendly countries that didn’t understand the domestic dynamics. Your actions will differ according to how much consensus there is over a particular issue. There is no doubt that as events have unfolded Syrians have been able to better understand the situation and what is really at stake. This has helped the Armed Forces to better carry out their duties and achieve results. So, what is happening now is not a shift in tactic from defense to attack, but rather a shift in the balance of power in favor of the Armed Forces. Al-Manar: How has this balance been tipped, Mr. President? Syria is being criticized for asking for the assistance of foreign fighters, and to be fully candid, it is said that Hezbollah fighters are extending assistance. In a previous interview, you said that there are 23 million Syrians; we do not need help from anyone else. What is Hezbollah doing in Syria? President Assad: The main reason for tipping the balance is the change in people’s opinion in areas that used to incubate armed groups, not necessarily due to lack of patriotism on their part, but because they were deceived. They were led to believe that there was a revolution against the failings of the state. This has changed; many individuals have left these terrorist groups and have returned to their normal lives. As to what is being said about Hezbollah and the participation of foreign fighters alongside the Syrian Army, this is a hugely important issue and has several factors. Each of these factors should be clearly understood. Hezbollah, the battle at Al-Qseir and the recent Israeli airstrike – these three factors cannot be looked at in isolation of the other, they are all a part of the same issue. Let’s be frank. In recent weeks, and particularly after Mr. Hasan Nasrallah’s speech, Arab and foreign media have said that Hezbollah fighters are fighting in Syria and defending the Syrian state, or to use their words “the regime.” Logically speaking, if Hezbollah or the resistance wanted to defend Syria by sending fighters, how many could they send - a few hundred, a thousand or two? We are talking about a battle in which hundreds of thousands of Syrian troops are involved against tens of thousands of terrorists, if not more because of the constant flow of fighters from neighboring and foreign countries that support those terrorists. So clearly, the number of fighters Hezbollah might contribute in order to defend the Syrian state in its battle, would be a drop in the ocean compared to the number of Syrian soldiers fighting the terrorists. When also taking into account the vast expanse of Syria, these numbers will neither protect a state nor ‘regime.’ This is from one perspective. From another, if they say they are defending the state, why now? Battles started after Ramadan in 2011 and escalated into 2012, the summer of 2012 to be precise. They started the battle to “liberate Damascus” and set a zero hour for the first time, the second time and a third time; the four generals were assassinated, a number of individuals fled Syria, and many people believed that was the time the state would collapse. It didn’t. Nevertheless, during all of these times, Hezbollah never intervened, so why would it intervene now? More importantly, why haven’t we seen Hezbollah fighting in Damascus and Aleppo? The more significant battles are in Damascus and in Aleppo, not in Al-Qseir. Al-Qseir is a small town in Homs, why haven’t we seen Hezbollah in the city of Homs? Clearly, all these assumptions are inaccurate. They say Al-Qseir is a strategic border town, but all the borders are strategic for the terrorists in order to smuggle in their fighters and weapons. So, all these propositions have nothing to do with Hezbollah. If we take into account the moans and groans of the Arab media, the statements made by Arab and foreign officials – even Ban Ki-moon expressed concern over Hezbollah in Al-Qseir – all of this is for the objective of suppressing and stifling the resistance. It has nothing to do with defending the Syrian state. The Syrian army has made significant achievements in Damascus, Aleppo, rural Damascus and many other areas; however, we haven’t heard the same moaning as we have heard in Al-Qseir. Al-Manar: But, Mr. President, the nature of the battle that you and Hezbollah are waging in Al-Qseir seems, to your critics, to take the shape of a safe corridor connecting the coastal region with Damascus. Consequently, if Syria were to be divided, or if geographical changes were to be enforced, this would pave the way for an Alawite state. So, what is the nature of this battle, and how is it connected with the conflict with Israel. President Assad: First, the Syrian and Lebanese coastal areas are not connected through Al-Qseir. Geographically this is not possible. Second, nobody would fight a battle in order to move towards separation. If you opt for separation, you move towards that objective without waging battles all over the country in order to be pushed into a particular corner. The nature of the battle does not indicate that we are heading for division, but rather the opposite, we are ensuring we remain a united country. Our forefathers rejected the idea of division when the French proposed this during their occupation of Syria because at the time they were very aware of its consequences. Is it possible or even fathomable that generations later, we their children, are less aware or mindful? Once again, the battle in Al-Qseir and all the bemoaning is related to Israel. The timing of the battle in Al-Qseir was synchronized with the Israeli airstrike. Their objective is to stifle the resistance. This is the same old campaign taking on a different form. Now what’s important is not al-Qseir as a town, but the borders; they want to stifle the resistance from land and from the sea. Here the question begs itself - some have said that the resistance should face the enemy and consequently remain in the south. This was said on May 7, 2008, when some of Israel’s agents in Lebanon tried to tamper with the communications system of the resistance; they claimed that the resistance turned its weapons inwards. They said the same thing about the Syrian Army; that the Syrian Army should fight on the borders with Israel. We have said very clearly that our Army will fight the enemy wherever it is. When the enemy is in the north, we move north; the same applies if the enemy comes from the east or the west. This is also the case for Hezbollah. So the question is why is Hezbollah deployed on the borders inside Lebanon or inside Syria? The answer is that our battle is a battle against the Israeli enemy and its proxies inside Syria or inside Lebanon. Al-Manar: Mr. President, if I might ask about Israel’s involvement in the Syrian crisis through the recent airstrike against Damascus. Israel immediately attached certain messages to this airstrike by saying it doesn’t want escalation or doesn’t intend to interfere in the Syrian crisis. The question is: what does Israel want and what type of interference? President Assad: This is exactly my point. Everything that is happening at the moment is aimed, first and foremost, at stifling the resistance. Israel’s support of the terrorists was for two purposes. The first is to stifle the resistance; the second is to strike the Syrian air defense systems. It is not interested in anything else. Al-Manar: Mr. President, since Israel’s objectives are clear, the Syrian state was criticized for its muted response. Everyone was expecting a Syrian response, and the Syrian government stated that it reserves the right to respond at the appropriate time and place. Why didn’t the response come immediately? And is it enough for a senior source to say that missiles have been directed at the Israeli enemy and that any attack will be retaliated immediately without resorting to Army command? President Assad: We have informed all the Arab and foreign parties - mostly foreign - that contacted us, that we will respond the next time. Of course, there has been more than one response. There have been several Israeli attempted violations to which there was immediate retaliation. But these short-term responses have no real value; they are only of a political nature. If we want to respond to Israel, the response will be of strategic significance. Al-Manar: How? By opening the Golan front, for instance? President Assad: This depends on public opinion, whether there is a consensus in support of the resistance or not. That’s the question. Al-Manar: How is the situation in Syria now? President Assad: In fact, there is clear popular pressure to open the Golan front to resistance. This enthusiasm is also on the Arab level; we have received many Arab delegations wanting to know how young people might be enrolled to come and fight Israel. Of course, resistance is not easy. It is not merely a question of opening the front geographically. It is a political, ideological, and social issue, with the net result being military action. Al-Manar: Mr. President, if we take into account the incident on the Golan Heights and Syria’s retaliation on the Israeli military vehicle that crossed the combat line, does this mean that the rules of engagement have changed? And if the rules of the game have changed, what is the new equation, so to speak? President Assad: Real change in the rules of engagement happens when there is a popular condition pushing for resistance. Any other change is short-term, unless we are heading towards war. Any response of any kind might only appear to be a change to the rules of engagement, but I don’t think it really is. The real change is when the people move towards resistance; this is the really dramatic change. Al-Manar: Don’t you think that this is a little late? After 40 years of quiet and a state of truce on the Golan Heights, now there is talk of a movement on that front, about new equations and about new rules of the game? President Assad: They always talk about Syria opening the front or closing the front. A state does not create resistance. Resistance can only be called so, when it is popular and spontaneous, it cannot be created. The state can either support or oppose the resistance, - or create obstacles, as is the case with some Arab countries. I believe that a state that opposes the will of its people for resistance is reckless. The issue is not that Syria has decided, after 40 years, to move in this direction. The public’s state of mind is that our National Army is carrying out its duties to protect and liberate our land. Had there not been an army, as was the situation in Lebanon when the army and the state were divided during the civil war, there would have been resistance a long time ago. Today, in the current circumstances, there are a number of factors pushing in that direction. First, there are repeated Israeli aggressions that constitute a major factor in creating this desire and required incentive. Second, the army’s engagement in battles in more than one place throughout Syria has created a sentiment on the part of many civilians that it is their duty to move in this direction in order to support the Armed Forces on the Golan. Al-Manar: Mr. President, Benjamin Netanyahu said that Israel would not hesitate to attack Syria if it detected that weapons are being conveyed to Hezbollah in Lebanon. If Israel carried out its threats, I want a direct answer from you: what would Syria do? President Assad: As I have said, we have informed the relevant states that we will respond in kind. Of course, it is difficult to specify the military means that would be used, that is for our military command to decide. We plan for different scenarios, depending on the circumstances and the timing of the strike that would determine which method or weapons. Al-Manar: Mr. President, after the airstrike that targeted Damascus, there was talk about the S300 missiles and that this missile system will tip the balance. Based on this argument, Netanyahu visited Moscow. My direct question is this: are these missiles on their way to Damascus? Is Syria now in possession of these missiles? President Assad: It is not our policy to talk publically about military issues in terms of what we possess or what we receive. As far as Russia is concerned, the contracts have nothing to do with the crisis. We have negotiated with them on different kinds of weapons for years, and Russia is committed to honoring these contracts. What I want to say is that neither Netanyahu’s visit nor the crisis and the conditions surrounding it have influenced arms imports. All of our agreements with Russia will be implemented, some have been implemented during the past period and, together with the Russians, we will continue to implement these contracts in the future. Al-Manar: Mr. President, we have talked about the steadfastness of the Syrian leadership and the Syrian state. We have discussed the progress being achieved on the battlefield, and strengthening the alliance between Syria and the resistance. These are all within the same front. From another perspective, there is diplomatic activity stirring waters that have been stagnant for two and a half years. Before we talk about this and about the Geneva conference and the red lines that Syria has drawn, there was a simple proposition or a simple solution suggested by the former head of the coalition, Muaz al-Khatib. He said that the president, together with 500 other dignitaries would be allowed to leave the country within 20 days, and the crisis would be over. Why don’t you meet this request and put an end to the crisis? President Assad: I have always talked about the basic principle: that the Syrian people alone have the right to decide whether the president should remain or leave. So, anybody speaking on this subject should state which part of the Syrian people they represent and who granted them the authority to speak on their behalf. As for this initiative, I haven’t actually read it, but I was very happy that they allowed me 20 days and 500 people! I don’t know who proposed the initiative; I don’t care much about names. Al-Manar: He actually said that you would be given 20 days, 500 people, and no guarantees. You’ll be allowed to leave but with no guarantee whatsoever on whether legal action would be taken against you or not. Mr. President, this brings us to the negotiations, I am referring to Geneva 2. The Syrian government and leadership have announced initial agreement to take part in this conference. If this conference is held, there will be a table with the Syrian flag on one side and the flag of the opposition groups on the other. How can you convince the Syrian people after two and a half years of crisis that you will sit face to face at the same negotiating table with these groups? President Assad: First of all, regarding the flag, it is meaningless without the people it represents. When we put a flag on a table or anywhere else, we talk about the people represented by that flag. This question can be put to those who raise flags they call Syrian but are different from the official Syrian flag. So, this flag has no value when it does not represent the people. Secondly, we will attend this conference as the official delegation and legitimate representatives of the Syrian people. But, whom do they represent? When the conference is over, we return to Syria, we return home to our people. But when the conference is over, whom do they return to - five-star hotels? Or to the foreign ministries of the states that they represent – which doesn’t include Syria of course - in order to submit their reports? Or do they return to the intelligence services of those countries? So, when we attend this conference, we should know very clearly the positions of some of those sitting at the table - and I say some because the conference format is not clear yet and as such we do not have details as to how the patriotic Syrian opposition will be considered or the other opposition parties in Syria. As for the opposition groups abroad and their flag, we know that we are attending the conference not to negotiate with them, but rather with the states that back them; it will appear as though we are negotiating with the slaves, but essentially we are negotiating with their masters. This is the truth, we shouldn’t deceive ourselves. Al-Manar: Are you, in the Syrian leadership, convinced that these negotiations will be held next month? President Assad: We expect them to happen, unless they are obstructed by other states. As far as we are concerned in Syria, we have announced a couple of days ago that we agree in principle to attend. Al-Manar: When you say in principle, it seems that you are considering other options. President Assad: In principle, we are in favour of the conference as a notion, but there are no details yet. For example, will there be conditions placed before the conference? If so, these conditions may be unacceptable and we would not attend. So the idea of the conference, of a meeting, in principle is a good one. We will have to wait and see. Al-Manar: Let’s talk, Mr. President, about the conditions put by the Syrian leadership. What are Syria’s conditions? President Assad: Simply put, our only condition is that anything agreed upon in any meeting inside or outside the country, including the conference, is subject to the approval of the Syrian people through a popular referendum. This is the only condition. Anything else doesn’t have any value. That is why we are comfortable with going to the conference. We have no complexes. Either side can propose anything, but nothing can be implemented without the approval of the Syrian people. And as long as we are the legitimate representatives of the people, we have nothing to fear. Al-Manar: Let’s be clear, Mr. President. There is a lot of ambiguity in Geneva 1 and Geneva 2 about the transitional period and the role of President Bashar al-Assad in that transitional period. Are you prepared to hand over all your authorities to this transitional government? And how do you understand this ambiguous term? President Assad: This is what I made clear in the initiative I proposed in January this year. They say they want a transitional government in which the president has no role. In Syria we have a presidential system, where the President is head of the republic and the Prime Minister heads the government. They want a government with broad authorities. The Syrian constitution gives the government full authorities. The president is the commander-in-chief of the Army and Armed Forces and the head of the Supreme Judicial Council. All the other institutions report directly to the government. Changing the authorities of the president is subject to changing the constitution; the president cannot just relinquish his authorities, he doesn\'t have the constitutional right. Changing the constitution requires a popular referendum. When they want to propose such issues, they might be discussed in the conference, and when we agree on something - if we agree, we return home and put it to a popular referendum and then move on. But for them to ask for the amendment of the constitution in advance, this cannot be done neither by the president nor by the government. Al-Manar: Frankly, Mr. President, all the international positions taken against you and all your political opponents said that they don’t want a role for al-Assad in Syria’s future. This is what the Saudi foreign minister Saud al-Faisal said and this is what the Turks and the Qataris said, and also the Syrian opposition. Will President Assad be nominated for the forthcoming presidential elections in 2014? President Assad: What I know is that Saud al-Faisal is a specialist in American affairs, I don’t know if he knows anything about Syrian affairs. If he wants to learn, that’s fine! As to the desires of others, I repeat what I have said earlier: the only desires relevant are those of the Syrian people. With regards to the nomination, some parties have said that it is preferable that the president shouldn’t be nominated for the 2014 elections. This issue will be determined closer to the time; it is still too early to discuss this. When the time comes, and I feel, through my meetings and interactions with the Syrian people, that there is a need and public desire for me to nominate myself, I will not hesitate. However, if I feel that the Syrian people do not want me to lead them, then naturally I will not put myself forward. They are wasting their time on such talk. Al-Manar: Mr. President, you mentioned the Saudi foreign minister Saud al-Faisal. This makes me ask about Syria’s relationship with Saudi Arabia, with Qatar, with Turkey, particularly if we take into account that their recent position in the Arab ministerial committee was relatively moderate. They did not directly and publically call for the ouster of President Assad. Do you feel any change or any support on the part of these countries for a political solution to the Syrian crisis? And is Syria prepared to deal once more with the Arab League, taking into account that the Syrian government asked for an apology from the Arab League? President Assad: Concerning the Arab states, we see brief changes in their rhetoric but not in their actions. The countries that support the terrorists have not changed; they are still supporting terrorism to the same extent. Turkey also has not made any positive steps. As for Qatar, their role is also the same, the role of the funder - the bank funding the terrorists and supporting them through Turkey. So, overall, no change. As for the Arab League, in Syria we have never pinned our hopes on the Arab League. Even in the past decades, we were barely able to dismantle the mines set for us in the different meetings, whether in the summits or in meetings of the foreign ministers. So in light of this and its recent actions, can we really expect it to play a role? We are open to everybody, we never close our doors. But we should also be realistic and face the truth that they are unable to offer anything, particularly since a significant number of the Arab states are not independent. They receive their orders from the outside. Some of them are sympathetic to us in their hearts, but they cannot act on their feelings because they are not in possession of their decisions. So, no, we do not pin any hopes on the Arab League. Al-Manar: Mr. President, this leads us to ask: if the Arab environment is as such, and taking into account the developments on the ground and the steadfastness, the Geneva conference and the negotiations, the basic question is: what if the political negotiations fail? What are the consequences of the failure of political negotiations? President Assad: This is quite possible, because there are states that are obstructing the meeting in principle, and they are going only to avoid embarrassment. They are opposed to any dialogue whether inside or outside Syria. Even the Russians, in several statements, have dampened expectations from this conference. But we should also be accurate in defining this dialogue, particularly in relation to what is happening on the ground. Most of the factions engaged in talking about what is happening in Syria have no influence on the ground; they don’t even have direct relationships with the terrorists. In some instances these terrorists are directly linked with the states that are backing them, in other cases, they are mere gangs paid to carry out terrorist activities. So, the failure of the conference will not significantly change the reality inside Syria, because these states will not stop supporting the terrorists - conference or no conference, and the gangs will not stop their subversive activities. So it has no impact on them. Al-Manar: Mr. President, the events in Syria are spilling over to neighboring countries. We see what’s happening in Iraq, the explosions in Al-Rihaniye in Turkey and also in Lebanon. In Ersal, Tripoli, Hezbollah taking part in the fighting in Al-Qseir. How does Syria approach the situation in Lebanon, and do you think the Lebanese policy of dissociation is still applied or accepted? President Assad: Let me pose some questions based on the reality in Syria and in Lebanon about the policy of dissociation in order not to be accused of making a value judgment on whether this policy is right or wrong. Let’s start with some simple questions: Has Lebanon been able to prevent Lebanese interference in Syria? Has it been able to prevent the smuggling of terrorists or weapons into Syria or providing a safe haven for them in Lebanon? It hasn’t; in fact, everyone knows that Lebanon has contributed negatively to the Syrian crisis. Most recently, has Lebanon been able to protect itself against the consequences of the Syrian crisis, most markedly in Tripoli and the missiles that have been falling over different areas of Beirut or its surroundings? It hasn’t. So what kind of dissociation are we talking about? For Lebanon to dissociate itself from the crisis is one thing, and for the government to dissociate itself is another. When the government dissociates itself from a certain issue that affects the interests of the Lebanese people, it is in fact dissociating itself from the Lebanese citizens. I’m not criticizing the Lebanese government - I’m talking about general principles. I don’t want it to be said that I’m criticizing this government. If the Syrian government were to dissociate itself from issues that are of concern to the Syrian people, it would also fail. So in response to your question with regards to Lebanon’s policy of dissociation, we don’t believe this is realistically possible. When my neighbor’s house is on fire, I cannot say that it’s none of my business because sooner or later the fire will spread to my house. Al-Manar: Mr. President, what would you say to the supporters of the axis of resistance? We are celebrating the anniversary of the victory of the resistance and the liberation of south Lebanon, in an atmosphere of promises of victory, which Mr. Hasan Nasrallah has talked about. You are saying with great confidence that you will emerge triumphant from this crisis. What would you say to all this audience? Are we about to reach the end of this dark tunnel? President Assad: I believe that the greatest victory achieved by the Arab resistance movements in the past years and decades is primarily an intellectual victory. This resistance wouldn’t have been able to succeed militarily if they hadn’t been able to succeed and stand fast against a campaign aimed at distorting concepts and principles in this region. Before the civil war in Lebanon, some people used to say that Lebanon’s strength lies in its weakness; this is similar to saying that a man’s intelligence lies in his stupidity, or that honor is maintained through corruption. This is an illogical contradiction. The victories of the resistance at different junctures proved that this concept is not true, and it showed that Lebanon’s weakness lies in its weakness and Lebanon’s strength lies in its strength. Lebanon’s strength is in its resistance and these resistance fighters you referred to. Today, more than ever before, we are in need of these ideas, of this mindset, of this steadfastness and of these actions carried out by the resistance fighters. The events in the Arab world during the past years have distorted concepts to the extent that some Arabs have forgotten that the real enemy is still Israel and have instead created internal, sectarian, regional or national enemies. Today we pin our hopes on these resistance fighters to remind the Arab people, through their achievements, that our enemy is still the same. As for my confidence in victory, if we weren’t so confident we wouldn’t have been able to stand fast or to continue this battle after two years of a global attack. This is not a tripartite attack like the one in 1956; it is in fact a global war waged against Syria and the resistance. We have absolute confidence in our victory, and I assure them that Syria will always remain, even more so than before, supportive of the resistance and resistance fighters everywhere in the Arab world. Al-Manar: In conclusion, it has been my great honor to conduct this interview with Your Excellency, President Bashar al-Assad of the Syrian Arab Republic. Thank you very much. President Assad: You are welcome. I would like to congratulate Al-Manar channel, the channel of resistance, on the anniversary of the liberation and to congratulate the Lebanese people and every resistance fighter in Lebanon. Al-Manar: Thank you.

Qana Massacre - 2006 - WHY WHY WHY - English. Isreal aggression MUST come to an END now. It is too much. America MUST stop supporting Israel. Or may be Israel stop complying with Zionist Agenda. Zionist regime - here is warning for you - Fear Almighty Allah before it is too late - do not invite His wrath. You CAN NOT continue this bloodshed for too long.

US infringes Pakistani sovereignty - Missile strike in South Waziristan -Sep08- English

No rigging in Election. Ahmedineejad \"Our enemies and their media have hired some opportunist and mischievous elements and have misused the simple-mindedness of some people to cause unrest,\" the government said in a Thursday statement. It further accused the Western media of \'spreading lies and rumors\' to create doubts over the health of Friday\'s presidential election. Iran\'s European Union envoy criticized the Western countries for their \"support for these trouble-makers and anarchists under the cover of supporting democracy and the voice of the Iranian people\". In a Thursday statement, the Iranian embassy in Brussels said, \"All foreign involvement will have a damaging impact and is rejected by the people and the government of the Islamic Republic of Iran\". Incumbent Ahmadinejad was re-elected as the Iranian president on June 12 with almost two-thirds of votes, but his main rival Mir-Hossein Moussavi has rejected the result as fraudulent and demanded a re-run of the election. In the statement, the Ahmadinejad administration called on the security forces to take measures to uproot vandalism and the frightening of the public. Hundreds of thousands of Moussavi supporters have staged daily rallies since the announcement of election results on Saturday, asking the Guardian Council to nullify the election. Despite Moussavi\'s insistence on the peaceful nature of protests, violence flared in early stages of demonstrations. At least eight people were killed in Tehran and many others sustained injuries. Iran has revoked all foreign media accreditations and foreign reporters are not allowed to cover gatherings which are banned as illegal. Moussavi\'s camp has stressed that the post-election rioters are \"not supporters of, or linked to\" the former prime minister, who suffered a crushing defeat in the June 12 poll. The Moussavi camp says that a number of \"miscreants\" are attempting to de-fame the popular figure and his supporters \"by conducting acts of vandalism\" in his name. The Leader of the Islamic Revolution, Ayatollah Seyyed Ali Khamenei, has also shed light on the situation. The Leader said on Tuesday that those who vandalize public property and stage violent riots are not related to any of the presidential candidates or their supporters. On Thursday, dozens of Ahmadinejad\'s supporters staged a rally in front of the Justice Department in the capital, Tehran. They also called for strong action against the rioters.

Full text: http://on.rt.com/70mlza The economic sanctions which are having a harsh impact on the Syrian population highlight a clear contradiction in the West's approach to Syria, insists Syria's Foreign Minister Walid al-Muallem. ­The Minister gave an exclusive interview to RT discussing how the government of his country sees the way out of the bloodshed Syria has been plunged into since March.

Toronto Protest in front of Pakistan Consulate General Against Sectarian (Shia Muslim) Killings in Gilgit, Quetta, Parachina, Dera Ismail Khan, Karachi and other Cities in Pakistan 14Apr2012

This Video: Washington DC. Thousands of American, Canadian and British Muslims protest against Extremist Wahabis and the Government of Pakistan. April 14, 2012: The streets across the Embassies and Consulates of Pakistan in London, Washington DC, Los Angeles, Ottawa, Toronto, Vancouver and Calgary were filled with protestors chanting slogans against the extremist wahabis and against the Government of Pakistan. They were protesting the barbaric murders of innocent Shia Muslims on April 02, 2012, where buses travelling between Rawalpindi and Gilgit were stopped in Chilas and the Shia Muslims were identified and brutally slaughtered by the extremist wahabis as their families watched and screamed in horror. The protestors also expressed their pain and anger at the ongoing genocide in Quetta, Karachi, Lahore and other areas of Pakistan and demanded an immediate end to the killings. Speakers at the rallies categorically stated that they are not protesting against Pakistan or against any sect of Islam. They are against the extremist ideology followed by the barbaric criminals committing the massacres and against the Government of Pakistan for failing to close Saudi-funded hate schools and for failing to arrest the murderous graduates of these schools. The largest rallies were taken out in Washington DC (USA), London (UK) and Toronto (Canada), where thousands of Muslims belonging to various sects of Islam gathered to show their solidarity with the victims. They raised the slogans of \"Shias and Sunnis are brothers\" and \"Long Live Pakistan\". The participants of the Washington DC rally had traveled from Houston, Detroit, Chicago, New York, Atlanta Boston, Dallas, Seattle Washington DC and other cities to register their protest. These were the largest protest ever held against the Government of Pakistan and showcased the extreme pain and anger felt by the British, American and Canadian Muslims. Hundreds also gathered in Los Angeles, Ottawa, Montreal, Vancouver, Calgary and Edmonton to show their solidarity with the victims whose eyes were gouged out and heads smashed with rocks in front of their families without any reason. The Saturday protests in USA, UK and Canada were called in solidarity with the protestors in Pakistan who staged a long sit-in at the parliament house in Islamabad to press for the arrest of the murderers. Delegation of the protestors across North America and Europe met with the officials at the Pakistani Embassies and Consulates and submitted their demands for the Government to take action against the perpetrators within 15 days and to take concrete steps to end the ongoing genocide. The protestors passed a resolution that if the Government does not arrest the perpetrators within 15 days they will hold larger and frequent protests across North America and Europe and will take their case to the United Nations and the International Court of Justice.

This Video: Washington DC. Thousands of American, Canadian and British Muslims protest against Extremist Wahabis and the Government of Pakistan. April 14, 2012: The streets across the Embassies and Consulates of Pakistan in London, Washington DC, Los Angeles, Ottawa, Toronto, Vancouver and Calgary were filled with protestors chanting slogans against the extremist wahabis and against the Government of Pakistan. They were protesting the barbaric murders of innocent Shia Muslims on April 02, 2012, where buses travelling between Rawalpindi and Gilgit were stopped in Chilas and the Shia Muslims were identified and brutally slaughtered by the extremist wahabis as their families watched and screamed in horror. The protestors also expressed their pain and anger at the ongoing genocide in Quetta, Karachi, Lahore and other areas of Pakistan and demanded an immediate end to the killings. Speakers at the rallies categorically stated that they are not protesting against Pakistan or against any sect of Islam. They are against the extremist ideology followed by the barbaric criminals committing the massacres and against the Government of Pakistan for failing to close Saudi-funded hate schools and for failing to arrest the murderous graduates of these schools. The largest rallies were taken out in Washington DC (USA), London (UK) and Toronto (Canada), where thousands of Muslims belonging to various sects of Islam gathered to show their solidarity with the victims. They raised the slogans of "Shias and Sunnis are brothers" and "Long Live Pakistan". The participants of the Washington DC rally had traveled from Houston, Detroit, Chicago, New York, Atlanta Boston, Dallas, Seattle Washington DC and other cities to register their protest. These were the largest protest ever held against the Government of Pakistan and showcased the extreme pain and anger felt by the British, American and Canadian Muslims. Hundreds also gathered in Los Angeles, Ottawa, Montreal, Vancouver, Calgary and Edmonton to show their solidarity with the victims whose eyes were gouged out and heads smashed with rocks in front of their families without any reason. The Saturday protests in USA, UK and Canada were called in solidarity with the protestors in Pakistan who staged a long sit-in at the parliament house in Islamabad to press for the arrest of the murderers. Delegation of the protestors across North America and Europe met with the officials at the Pakistani Embassies and Consulates and submitted their demands for the Government to take action against the perpetrators within 15 days and to take concrete steps to end the ongoing genocide. The protestors passed a resolution that if the Government does not arrest the perpetrators within 15 days they will hold larger and frequent protests across North America and Europe and will take their case to the United Nations and the International Court of Justice.

This Video: Washington DC. Thousands of American, Canadian and British Muslims protest against Extremist Wahabis and the Government of Pakistan. April 14, 2012: The streets across the Embassies and Consulates of Pakistan in London, Washington DC, Los Angeles, Ottawa, Toronto, Vancouver and Calgary were filled with protestors chanting slogans against the extremist wahabis and against the Government of Pakistan. They were protesting the barbaric murders of innocent Shia Muslims on April 02, 2012, where buses travelling between Rawalpindi and Gilgit were stopped in Chilas and the Shia Muslims were identified and brutally slaughtered by the extremist wahabis as their families watched and screamed in horror. The protestors also expressed their pain and anger at the ongoing genocide in Quetta, Karachi, Lahore and other areas of Pakistan and demanded an immediate end to the killings. Speakers at the rallies categorically stated that they are not protesting against Pakistan or against any sect of Islam. They are against the extremist ideology followed by the barbaric criminals committing the massacres and against the Government of Pakistan for failing to close Saudi-funded hate schools and for failing to arrest the murderous graduates of these schools. The largest rallies were taken out in Washington DC (USA), London (UK) and Toronto (Canada), where thousands of Muslims belonging to various sects of Islam gathered to show their solidarity with the victims. They raised the slogans of "Shias and Sunnis are brothers" and "Long Live Pakistan". The participants of the Washington DC rally had traveled from Houston, Detroit, Chicago, New York, Atlanta Boston, Dallas, Seattle Washington DC and other cities to register their protest. These were the largest protest ever held against the Government of Pakistan and showcased the extreme pain and anger felt by the British, American and Canadian Muslims. Hundreds also gathered in Los Angeles, Ottawa, Montreal, Vancouver, Calgary and Edmonton to show their solidarity with the victims whose eyes were gouged out and heads smashed with rocks in front of their families without any reason. The Saturday protests in USA, UK and Canada were called in solidarity with the protestors in Pakistan who staged a long sit-in at the parliament house in Islamabad to press for the arrest of the murderers. Delegation of the protestors across North America and Europe met with the officials at the Pakistani Embassies and Consulates and submitted their demands for the Government to take action against the perpetrators within 15 days and to take concrete steps to end the ongoing genocide. The protestors passed a resolution that if the Government does not arrest the perpetrators within 15 days they will hold larger and frequent protests across North America and Europe and will take their case to the United Nations and the International Court of Justice.

This Video: Washington DC. Thousands of American, Canadian and British Muslims protest against Extremist Wahabis and the Government of Pakistan. April 14, 2012: The streets across the Embassies and Consulates of Pakistan in London, Washington DC, Los Angeles, Ottawa, Toronto, Vancouver and Calgary were filled with protestors chanting slogans against the extremist wahabis and against the Government of Pakistan. They were protesting the barbaric murders of innocent Shia Muslims on April 02, 2012, where buses travelling between Rawalpindi and Gilgit were stopped in Chilas and the Shia Muslims were identified and brutally slaughtered by the extremist wahabis as their families watched and screamed in horror. The protestors also expressed their pain and anger at the ongoing genocide in Quetta, Karachi, Lahore and other areas of Pakistan and demanded an immediate end to the killings. Speakers at the rallies categorically stated that they are not protesting against Pakistan or against any sect of Islam. They are against the extremist ideology followed by the barbaric criminals committing the massacres and against the Government of Pakistan for failing to close Saudi-funded hate schools and for failing to arrest the murderous graduates of these schools. The largest rallies were taken out in Washington DC (USA), London (UK) and Toronto (Canada), where thousands of Muslims belonging to various sects of Islam gathered to show their solidarity with the victims. They raised the slogans of \\\"Shias and Sunnis are brothers\\\" and \\\"Long Live Pakistan\\\". The participants of the Washington DC rally had traveled from Houston, Detroit, Chicago, New York, Atlanta Boston, Dallas, Seattle Washington DC and other cities to register their protest. These were the largest protest ever held against the Government of Pakistan and showcased the extreme pain and anger felt by the British, American and Canadian Muslims. Hundreds also gathered in Los Angeles, Ottawa, Montreal, Vancouver, Calgary and Edmonton to show their solidarity with the victims whose eyes were gouged out and heads smashed with rocks in front of their families without any reason. The Saturday protests in USA, UK and Canada were called in solidarity with the protestors in Pakistan who staged a long sit-in at the parliament house in Islamabad to press for the arrest of the murderers. Delegation of the protestors across North America and Europe met with the officials at the Pakistani Embassies and Consulates and submitted their demands for the Government to take action against the perpetrators within 15 days and to take concrete steps to end the ongoing genocide. The protestors passed a resolution that if the Government does not arrest the perpetrators within 15 days they will hold larger and frequent protests across North America and Europe and will take their case to the United Nations and the International Court of Justice.

This Video: Washington DC. Thousands of American, Canadian and British Muslims protest against Extremist Wahabis and the Government of Pakistan. April 14, 2012: The streets across the Embassies and Consulates of Pakistan in London, Washington DC, Los Angeles, Ottawa, Toronto, Vancouver and Calgary were filled with protestors chanting slogans against the extremist wahabis and against the Government of Pakistan. They were protesting the barbaric murders of innocent Shia Muslims on April 02, 2012, where buses travelling between Rawalpindi and Gilgit were stopped in Chilas and the Shia Muslims were identified and brutally slaughtered by the extremist wahabis as their families watched and screamed in horror. The protestors also expressed their pain and anger at the ongoing genocide in Quetta, Karachi, Lahore and other areas of Pakistan and demanded an immediate end to the killings. Speakers at the rallies categorically stated that they are not protesting against Pakistan or against any sect of Islam. They are against the extremist ideology followed by the barbaric criminals committing the massacres and against the Government of Pakistan for failing to close Saudi-funded hate schools and for failing to arrest the murderous graduates of these schools. The largest rallies were taken out in Washington DC (USA), London (UK) and Toronto (Canada), where thousands of Muslims belonging to various sects of Islam gathered to show their solidarity with the victims. They raised the slogans of "Shias and Sunnis are brothers" and "Long Live Pakistan". The participants of the Washington DC rally had traveled from Houston, Detroit, Chicago, New York, Atlanta Boston, Dallas, Seattle Washington DC and other cities to register their protest. These were the largest protest ever held against the Government of Pakistan and showcased the extreme pain and anger felt by the British, American and Canadian Muslims. Hundreds also gathered in Los Angeles, Ottawa, Montreal, Vancouver, Calgary and Edmonton to show their solidarity with the victims whose eyes were gouged out and heads smashed with rocks in front of their families without any reason. The Saturday protests in USA, UK and Canada were called in solidarity with the protestors in Pakistan who staged a long sit-in at the parliament house in Islamabad to press for the arrest of the murderers. Delegation of the protestors across North America and Europe met with the officials at the Pakistani Embassies and Consulates and submitted their demands for the Government to take action against the perpetrators within 15 days and to take concrete steps to end the ongoing genocide. The protestors passed a resolution that if the Government does not arrest the perpetrators within 15 days they will hold larger and frequent protests across North America and Europe and will take their case to the United Nations and the International Court of Justice.

This Video: Washington DC. Thousands of American, Canadian and British Muslims protest against Extremist Wahabis and the Government of Pakistan. April 14, 2012: The streets across the Embassies and Consulates of Pakistan in London, Washington DC, Los Angeles, Ottawa, Toronto, Vancouver and Calgary were filled with protestors chanting slogans against the extremist wahabis and against the Government of Pakistan. They were protesting the barbaric murders of innocent Shia Muslims on April 02, 2012, where buses travelling between Rawalpindi and Gilgit were stopped in Chilas and the Shia Muslims were identified and brutally slaughtered by the extremist wahabis as their families watched and screamed in horror. The protestors also expressed their pain and anger at the ongoing genocide in Quetta, Karachi, Lahore and other areas of Pakistan and demanded an immediate end to the killings. Speakers at the rallies categorically stated that they are not protesting against Pakistan or against any sect of Islam. They are against the extremist ideology followed by the barbaric criminals committing the massacres and against the Government of Pakistan for failing to close Saudi-funded hate schools and for failing to arrest the murderous graduates of these schools. The largest rallies were taken out in Washington DC (USA), London (UK) and Toronto (Canada), where thousands of Muslims belonging to various sects of Islam gathered to show their solidarity with the victims. They raised the slogans of "Shias and Sunnis are brothers" and "Long Live Pakistan". The participants of the Washington DC rally had traveled from Houston, Detroit, Chicago, New York, Atlanta Boston, Dallas, Seattle Washington DC and other cities to register their protest. These were the largest protest ever held against the Government of Pakistan and showcased the extreme pain and anger felt by the British, American and Canadian Muslims. Hundreds also gathered in Los Angeles, Ottawa, Montreal, Vancouver, Calgary and Edmonton to show their solidarity with the victims whose eyes were gouged out and heads smashed with rocks in front of their families without any reason. The Saturday protests in USA, UK and Canada were called in solidarity with the protestors in Pakistan who staged a long sit-in at the parliament house in Islamabad to press for the arrest of the murderers. Delegation of the protestors across North America and Europe met with the officials at the Pakistani Embassies and Consulates and submitted their demands for the Government to take action against the perpetrators within 15 days and to take concrete steps to end the ongoing genocide. The protestors passed a resolution that if the Government does not arrest the perpetrators within 15 days they will hold larger and frequent protests across North America and Europe and will take their case to the United Nations and the International Court of Justice.

This Video: Washington DC. Thousands of American, Canadian and British Muslims protest against Extremist Wahabis and the Government of Pakistan. April 14, 2012: The streets across the Embassies and Consulates of Pakistan in London, Washington DC, Los Angeles, Ottawa, Toronto, Vancouver and Calgary were filled with protestors chanting slogans against the extremist wahabis and against the Government of Pakistan. They were protesting the barbaric murders of innocent Shia Muslims on April 02, 2012, where buses travelling between Rawalpindi and Gilgit were stopped in Chilas and the Shia Muslims were identified and brutally slaughtered by the extremist wahabis as their families watched and screamed in horror. The protestors also expressed their pain and anger at the ongoing genocide in Quetta, Karachi, Lahore and other areas of Pakistan and demanded an immediate end to the killings. Speakers at the rallies categorically stated that they are not protesting against Pakistan or against any sect of Islam. They are against the extremist ideology followed by the barbaric criminals committing the massacres and against the Government of Pakistan for failing to close Saudi-funded hate schools and for failing to arrest the murderous graduates of these schools. The largest rallies were taken out in Washington DC (USA), London (UK) and Toronto (Canada), where thousands of Muslims belonging to various sects of Islam gathered to show their solidarity with the victims. They raised the slogans of "Shias and Sunnis are brothers" and "Long Live Pakistan". The participants of the Washington DC rally had traveled from Houston, Detroit, Chicago, New York, Atlanta Boston, Dallas, Seattle Washington DC and other cities to register their protest. These were the largest protest ever held against the Government of Pakistan and showcased the extreme pain and anger felt by the British, American and Canadian Muslims. Hundreds also gathered in Los Angeles, Ottawa, Montreal, Vancouver, Calgary and Edmonton to show their solidarity with the victims whose eyes were gouged out and heads smashed with rocks in front of their families without any reason. The Saturday protests in USA, UK and Canada were called in solidarity with the protestors in Pakistan who staged a long sit-in at the parliament house in Islamabad to press for the arrest of the murderers. Delegation of the protestors across North America and Europe met with the officials at the Pakistani Embassies and Consulates and submitted their demands for the Government to take action against the perpetrators within 15 days and to take concrete steps to end the ongoing genocide. The protestors passed a resolution that if the Government does not arrest the perpetrators within 15 days they will hold larger and frequent protests across North America and Europe and will take their case to the United Nations and the International Court of Justice.

This Video: Washington DC. Thousands of American, Canadian and British Muslims protest against Extremist Wahabis and the Government of Pakistan. April 14, 2012: The streets across the Embassies and Consulates of Pakistan in London, Washington DC, Los Angeles, Ottawa, Toronto, Vancouver and Calgary were filled with protestors chanting slogans against the extremist wahabis and against the Government of Pakistan. They were protesting the barbaric murders of innocent Shia Muslims on April 02, 2012, where buses travelling between Rawalpindi and Gilgit were stopped in Chilas and the Shia Muslims were identified and brutally slaughtered by the extremist wahabis as their families watched and screamed in horror. The protestors also expressed their pain and anger at the ongoing genocide in Quetta, Karachi, Lahore and other areas of Pakistan and demanded an immediate end to the killings. Speakers at the rallies categorically stated that they are not protesting against Pakistan or against any sect of Islam. They are against the extremist ideology followed by the barbaric criminals committing the massacres and against the Government of Pakistan for failing to close Saudi-funded hate schools and for failing to arrest the murderous graduates of these schools. The largest rallies were taken out in Washington DC (USA), London (UK) and Toronto (Canada), where thousands of Muslims belonging to various sects of Islam gathered to show their solidarity with the victims. They raised the slogans of "Shias and Sunnis are brothers" and "Long Live Pakistan". The participants of the Washington DC rally had traveled from Houston, Detroit, Chicago, New York, Atlanta Boston, Dallas, Seattle Washington DC and other cities to register their protest. These were the largest protest ever held against the Government of Pakistan and showcased the extreme pain and anger felt by the British, American and Canadian Muslims. Hundreds also gathered in Los Angeles, Ottawa, Montreal, Vancouver, Calgary and Edmonton to show their solidarity with the victims whose eyes were gouged out and heads smashed with rocks in front of their families without any reason. The Saturday protests in USA, UK and Canada were called in solidarity with the protestors in Pakistan who staged a long sit-in at the parliament house in Islamabad to press for the arrest of the murderers. Delegation of the protestors across North America and Europe met with the officials at the Pakistani Embassies and Consulates and submitted their demands for the Government to take action against the perpetrators within 15 days and to take concrete steps to end the ongoing genocide. The protestors passed a resolution that if the Government does not arrest the perpetrators within 15 days they will hold larger and frequent protests across North America and Europe and will take their case to the United Nations and the International Court of Justice.

This Video: Washington DC. Thousands of American, Canadian and British Muslims protest against Extremist Wahabis and the Government of Pakistan. April 14, 2012: The streets across the Embassies and Consulates of Pakistan in London, Washington DC, Los Angeles, Ottawa, Toronto, Vancouver and Calgary were filled with protestors chanting slogans against the extremist wahabis and against the Government of Pakistan. They were protesting the barbaric murders of innocent Shia Muslims on April 02, 2012, where buses travelling between Rawalpindi and Gilgit were stopped in Chilas and the Shia Muslims were identified and brutally slaughtered by the extremist wahabis as their families watched and screamed in horror. The protestors also expressed their pain and anger at the ongoing genocide in Quetta, Karachi, Lahore and other areas of Pakistan and demanded an immediate end to the killings. Speakers at the rallies categorically stated that they are not protesting against Pakistan or against any sect of Islam. They are against the extremist ideology followed by the barbaric criminals committing the massacres and against the Government of Pakistan for failing to close Saudi-funded hate schools and for failing to arrest the murderous graduates of these schools. The largest rallies were taken out in Washington DC (USA), London (UK) and Toronto (Canada), where thousands of Muslims belonging to various sects of Islam gathered to show their solidarity with the victims. They raised the slogans of "Shias and Sunnis are brothers" and "Long Live Pakistan". The participants of the Washington DC rally had traveled from Houston, Detroit, Chicago, New York, Atlanta Boston, Dallas, Seattle Washington DC and other cities to register their protest. These were the largest protest ever held against the Government of Pakistan and showcased the extreme pain and anger felt by the British, American and Canadian Muslims. Hundreds also gathered in Los Angeles, Ottawa, Montreal, Vancouver, Calgary and Edmonton to show their solidarity with the victims whose eyes were gouged out and heads smashed with rocks in front of their families without any reason. The Saturday protests in USA, UK and Canada were called in solidarity with the protestors in Pakistan who staged a long sit-in at the parliament house in Islamabad to press for the arrest of the murderers. Delegation of the protestors across North America and Europe met with the officials at the Pakistani Embassies and Consulates and submitted their demands for the Government to take action against the perpetrators within 15 days and to take concrete steps to end the ongoing genocide. The protestors passed a resolution that if the Government does not arrest the perpetrators within 15 days they will hold larger and frequent protests across North America and Europe and will take their case to the United Nations and the International Court of Justice.

This Video: Washington DC. Thousands of American, Canadian and British Muslims protest against Extremist Wahabis and the Government of Pakistan. April 14, 2012: The streets across the Embassies and Consulates of Pakistan in London, Washington DC, Los Angeles, Ottawa, Toronto, Vancouver and Calgary were filled with protestors chanting slogans against the extremist wahabis and against the Government of Pakistan. They were protesting the barbaric murders of innocent Shia Muslims on April 02, 2012, where buses travelling between Rawalpindi and Gilgit were stopped in Chilas and the Shia Muslims were identified and brutally slaughtered by the extremist wahabis as their families watched and screamed in horror. The protestors also expressed their pain and anger at the ongoing genocide in Quetta, Karachi, Lahore and other areas of Pakistan and demanded an immediate end to the killings. Speakers at the rallies categorically stated that they are not protesting against Pakistan or against any sect of Islam. They are against the extremist ideology followed by the barbaric criminals committing the massacres and against the Government of Pakistan for failing to close Saudi-funded hate schools and for failing to arrest the murderous graduates of these schools. The largest rallies were taken out in Washington DC (USA), London (UK) and Toronto (Canada), where thousands of Muslims belonging to various sects of Islam gathered to show their solidarity with the victims. They raised the slogans of "Shias and Sunnis are brothers" and "Long Live Pakistan". The participants of the Washington DC rally had traveled from Houston, Detroit, Chicago, New York, Atlanta Boston, Dallas, Seattle Washington DC and other cities to register their protest. These were the largest protest ever held against the Government of Pakistan and showcased the extreme pain and anger felt by the British, American and Canadian Muslims. Hundreds also gathered in Los Angeles, Ottawa, Montreal, Vancouver, Calgary and Edmonton to show their solidarity with the victims whose eyes were gouged out and heads smashed with rocks in front of their families without any reason. The Saturday protests in USA, UK and Canada were called in solidarity with the protestors in Pakistan who staged a long sit-in at the parliament house in Islamabad to press for the arrest of the murderers. Delegation of the protestors across North America and Europe met with the officials at the Pakistani Embassies and Consulates and submitted their demands for the Government to take action against the perpetrators within 15 days and to take concrete steps to end the ongoing genocide. The protestors passed a resolution that if the Government does not arrest the perpetrators within 15 days they will hold larger and frequent protests across North America and Europe and will take their case to the United Nations and the International Court of Justice.