The Wali Ahad Deception | Imam Ali ibn Musa al-Redha al-Murtaza...
What were the socio-political and economic conditions of the Abbasid empire at the time of the Abbasid Caliph Harun al-Rashid?
In what two major...
What were the socio-political and economic conditions of the Abbasid empire at the time of the Abbasid Caliph Harun al-Rashid?
In what two major parts was the Abbasid empire separated into, what were their respective capitals, and who were appointed as their respective governors?
What internal revolts and uprisings were destabilizing and weakening the Abbasid empire from within during the reign of the Abbasid Caliph Mamun al-Rashid?
How did Mamun al-Rashid protect his quickly crumbling throne?
And finally, what was \\\"The Wali Ahad Deception\\\" and how does Imam Ali ibn Musa al-Redha al-Murtadha (A) play a role in it?
Sayyid Shahryar answers in this episode of CubeSync, as he speaks about Mamun al-Rashid, Imam al-Redha (A), and \\\"The Wali Ahad Deception\\\".
Our condolences to the believers all across the world, wherever you are, upon the martyrdom anniversary of the grandson of the Messenger of Allah (S), the 8th divinely appointed Imam, Imam Ali ibn Musa al-Redha al-Murtadha (A).
Peace and salutations be upon you, O’ son of the Messenger of Allah (S)!
Peace and salutations be upon you, O’ son of the Commander of the Believers (A)!
Peace and salutations be upon you, O’ son of Fatima, the Luminous (A)!
Peace and salutations be upon you, O’ Wali of Allah!
Peace and salutations be upon you, O’ pillar of religion!
Peace and salutations be upon you, O’ Ali ibn Musa (A)!
#IslamicPulse #CubeSync #Allah #Islam #Quran #Mohammad #Muhammad #Ali #Fatima #Hasan #Husayn #Safar #Muslims #Shia #Islam #30Safar #Madina #8thImam #ImamRedha #ImamReza #AliIbnMusa #Shahadat #Martyrdom #Wilayate #Truth #Jusitce #Mashhad #Tus #Oppressor #Oppression #Evil #Falsehood #Umayyad #Abbasid #HarunRashid #MamunRashid #Taghut #AhlulBayt #Quran #Imamate #Wilayah #JihadeTabyiin #AwaitedOne #Mahdi #Media #SoftWar #Revolution #Resistance #Savior #IslamicRevolution #IslamicAwareness
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Karbala Stories | Episode VI | English
Welcome to \"Karbala Stories\".
Episode VI.
Umar ibn Saad, along with the other commanders of Yazid\'s army, have amassed...
Welcome to \"Karbala Stories\".
Episode VI.
Umar ibn Saad, along with the other commanders of Yazid\'s army, have amassed themselves in the thousands.
Imam Husayn (A) gives Umar ibn Saad one last chance to save himself from the eternal fires of Hell.
Umar ibn Saad, makes one final decision, a decision that will lead to his killing the grandson of the holy Messenger of Allah (S).
Our condolences to the believers, wherever you are, upon the recent martyrdom anniversary and Arbaeen of Imam Husayn (A), his honorable family members, and his devoted companions.
Salutations be upon the Master of Martyrs!
Salutations be upon the esteemed Husayn!
Salutations be upon the esteemed Ali ibn Husayn!
Salutations be upon the innocent children of Husayn!
Salutations be upon the loyal companions of Husayn!
#IslamicPulse #KarbalaStories #Stories #Children #Kids #Islam #Allah #Quran #AhlulBayt #Mohammad #Ali #Fatima #Hasan #Husayn #Hussain #Muharram Muharram2023 #Muharram1445 #Safar #Ashura #Karbala #Martyrdom #Sacrifice #Shahadat #Martyr #Wilayah #Imamate #Truth #WhoIsHusayn #Zaynab #Shia #Arbaeen #IslamicRevolution #IslamicAwakening #Majalis #Majlis #Masaib #Matam #Honor #Falsehood #Evil #Yazeed #KarbalaCartoon #KarbalaAnimation
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[253] Hadith Explanation by Imam Khamenei | Should You Give Everything...
Should one give everything they have for the sake of Allah?
In what situation is it wrong to give everything one has for the sake of Allah?...
Should one give everything they have for the sake of Allah?
In what situation is it wrong to give everything one has for the sake of Allah?
And in what situation is it permissible for one to give all they have for the sake of Allah?
And finally, how can one place the manners of Imam Hasan al-Mujtaba (A) with the tradition of Imam Ja\\\'far al-Sadiq (A) which on face value seem to be contradictory?
Ayatollah Sayyid Ali Khamenei narrates and explains a tradition narrated from the 6th divinely appointed Imam, Imam Ja\\\'far ibn Muhammad al-Sadiq (A), where his eminence (A) answers: \\\"Should You Give Everything You Have For Allah?\\\".
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Lady Fatima Zahra (A)'s Role as a Mother | IP Talk Show | English
What are some of the lessons that we can learn from lady Fatima Zahra (A) when considering her role as a mother?
What do the...
What are some of the lessons that we can learn from lady Fatima Zahra (A) when considering her role as a mother?
What do the personalities of Imam Hasan (A) and Imam Husayn (A) say about lady Fatima Zahra (A)?
And how did the Ahl al-Bayt (A) treat non-Muslims who came to their door asking for help?
What is the importance of charity, generosity, and altruism in the Pure Muhammadan Islam?
And whether it is a mother or a father, what is the importance of giving quality time to our children?
And finally, what is the role of Western Culture when it comes to harming the natural and divine role of a mother?
In order to answer to these questions and more, we humbly invited Shaykh Rohullah Rohani to talk to us about \"Lady Fatima Zahra (A)\'s Role as a Mother\".
#IslamicPulse #IPTalkShow #Allah #Quran #Muhammad #Ali #Fatima #Zahra #LadyOfLight #FatimaZahra #IslamicAwareness #LadyFatima #Daughter #Mother #Mothers #Mom #Mama #Women #Paradise #Heaven
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See You Soon! | #shorts #status #reels | English
Sayyid Hasan Nasrallah's speech: A clear-cut vow of vengeance for Shaykh Saleh al-Arouri.
A storm within the Flood is coming and the Zionist...
Sayyid Hasan Nasrallah's speech: A clear-cut vow of vengeance for Shaykh Saleh al-Arouri.
A storm within the Flood is coming and the Zionist enemy knows it.
0m:27s
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How To Get To Know The Imam of Your Time | Me, You, & Imam Mahdi...
Knowing the \'Imam of Your Time\' is incredibly important, but perhaps how you come to know the \'Imam of Your Time\' is even more important....
Knowing the \'Imam of Your Time\' is incredibly important, but perhaps how you come to know the \'Imam of Your Time\' is even more important.
And what does Imam al-Mahdi (A) and Imam Hasan al-Askari (A) say about the aforementioned idea?
Well, Sister Fatima answers as she speaks about \"How To Get To Know The Imam of Your Time\" as we continue Islamic Pulse\'s brand new series, \"Me, You, & Imam Mahdi (A)\", in ode to the Awaited Savior.
\"Me, You, & Imam Mahdi (A)\" is a series which deals with fundamental questions about the Savior of Humanity, Imam al-Mahdi (A), so we can get to know his eminence just a little bit better, wherever you are.
#IslamicPulse #MeYou&ImamMahdi #Allah #Islam #AhlulBayt #Muslim #Shia #Revolution #IslamicRevolution #Resistance #ImamMahdi #Occultation #TheSavior #AwaitedSavior #Savior #Salvation #AlMahdi #TheReformer #EndOfTimes #Mahdi #TheMahdi #AwaitedOne #Shaban #Qaim #15Shaban #Jamkaran #Imamate #Wilayate #ImamAskari
2m:33s
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Imam Ali Reza | Masoomeen | Imam Mahdi | Kazschool | English
Imam Ali Reza || Masoomeen || imam mahdi 2019 ||
kazschool
Beautiful Islamic Stories that stick the Islamic concepts to kids\' minds.
►...
Imam Ali Reza || Masoomeen || imam mahdi 2019 ||
kazschool
Beautiful Islamic Stories that stick the Islamic concepts to kids\' minds.
► Subscribe Now: https://www.youtube.com/c/kazschool
KAZ SCHOOL Website: http://www.kazschool.com
imam mahdi || imam mahdi story || kaz school || imam mahdi 2019
kids islamic stories || Title || muslim || kaz school || English Story | Islamic kids stories | prophet | quran | prophets | islamic cartoon || islamic Stories | 4K UHD ||
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JAWAAN | One of The Most Inspiring Video | Imam Ali Reza Holy Shrine | Urdu
JAWAAN | One of The Most Inspiring Video - Present By Imam Ali Reza Holy Shrine - Imamrezaur
Inspirational Quotes About Life
#Jawaan...
JAWAAN | One of The Most Inspiring Video - Present By Imam Ali Reza Holy Shrine - Imamrezaur
Inspirational Quotes About Life
#Jawaan #InspiringVideos #inspiringmessage
☆ On the Auspicious Occasion of Shaban Wiladat e Hazrat Qasim Ibn Hasan Ibn Ali Ibn Abi Talib & Hazrat Ali Akbar Ibn Hussain Ibn Ali Ibn Abi Talib ☆
☆ Ali al-Akbar ibn Husayn
Ali al-Akbar ibn Al-Husayn (Arabic: عَلِيّ ٱلْأَكْبَر ٱبْن ٱلْحُسَيْن, ʿAlīy al-ʾAkbar ibn al-Ḥusayn), commonly known as simply Ali al-Akbar, was the son of Al-Husayn ibn Ali, the third Shia Imam, and Umm Layla.[1] He was killed at the age of 18 on the day of Ashura, in the Battle of Karbala’.[2] According to Jean Calmard writing in Iranica, ‘Ali al-Akbar\'s reputation as a valiant warrior of the Household of Muhammad might have preceded that of Al-‘Abbas ibn ‘Ali.[2]
☆Qasim ibn Hasan
Qasim ibn al-Hasan (Arabic: القاسم بن الحسن) (Sha\'aban 7, 47 AH /October 2, 667 CE – Muharram 10, 61 AH /October 10, 680 CE), supported his uncle Husayn Ibn Ali in fighting off the Umayyad forces during the Battle of Karbala where he was killed[1][2] in his teens.[3]
Presenting By Official Shrine of Imam Ali Reza (as)
Haram Imam Ali Raza (as) Official
The Imam Raza shrine (Persian: حرم امام رضا) in Mashhad, Iran is a complex which contains the mausoleum of Imam Reza, the eighth Imam of Twelver Shiites. It is the largest mosque in the world by area. Also contained within the complex are the Goharshad Mosque, a museum, a library, four seminaries,[1] a cemetery, the Razavi University of Islamic Sciences, a dining hall for pilgrims, vast prayer halls, and other buildings.
The complex is one of the tourism centers in Iran[2][3] and has been described as \"the heart of the Shia Iran\"[4] with 25 million Iranian and non-Iranian Shias visiting the shrine each year, according to a 2007 estimate.[5] The complex is managed by Astan Quds Razavi Foundation currently headed by a prominent Iranian cleric, Ahmad Marvi.
The shrine itself covers an area of 267,079m2 while the seven courtyards which surround it cover an area of 331,578m2 - totaling 598,657 m2 (6,443,890 sq ft).[6]
Every year the ceremony of Dust Clearing is celebrated in the Imam Raza shrine.
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اللہ نے قاسم سلیمانیؒ کو اپنے لیے بنایا...
اس کرہ خاکی پر کچھ ہستیاں ایسی ہیں جنہیں اللہ تعالی نے اپنی صنعت کے طور پر متعارف...
اس کرہ خاکی پر کچھ ہستیاں ایسی ہیں جنہیں اللہ تعالی نے اپنی صنعت کے طور پر متعارف کروایا ہے،جیسے سورہ طہ کی آیت نمبر41 میں حضرت موسی علیہ السلام کے سلسلے میں ارشاد ہوتا ہے : \\\\\\\\\\\\\\\"وَ اصْطَنَعْتُكَ لِنَفْسي\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\" اور میں نے تم کو اپنے لئے بنایا ہے، چنانچہ اس آیت سے معلوم ہوتا ہے کہ کچھ ہستیوں کو اللہ، اپنے لئے منتخب کرتا ہے اور اپنی صنعت کے عنوان سے ان کا تعارف کرواتا ہے، اور ان ہستیوں میں سر فہرست معصومین علیہم السلام کی ذوات ہیں۔ اور معصومین علیہم السلام کے علاوہ بھی بہت سی ایسی شخصیات ہوسکتی ہیں جنہیں اللہ تعالی کی صنعت کا حصہ قرار دیا جاسکتا ہے، چنانچہ انہی شخصیات میں سے ایک، شہید قاسم سلیمانیؒ کی ذات بھی ہے۔
شہید قاسم سلیمانیؒ کی شخصیت کس طرح، اللہ تعالی کی صنعت کا حصہ قرار پائی؟ ہماری یونیورسٹیوں میں زیر تعلیم افراد، کیوں اللہ تعالی کی صنعت کے مظہر نہیں قرار پاتے؟ ان سوالات کی تفصیل جاننے کیلئے ڈاکٹر حسن عباسی کی یہ ویڈیو ضرور ملاحظہ فرمائیں۔
#ویڈیو #ڈاکٹر_حسن_عباسی #موسی_علیہ_السلام #قرآن #نہج_البلاغہ #صنعت #یونیورسٹی #سیکولر #مجالس #والدہ #قاسم_سلیمانی #داؤد #لباس
3m:31s
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I'm Going To Teach You Farming | One Minute Wisdom | English
So do y\'all know how farming goes?
Well, in this One Minute Wisdom, Sayyid Shahryar is going to teach you a little bit of good ole\' farming....
So do y\'all know how farming goes?
Well, in this One Minute Wisdom, Sayyid Shahryar is going to teach you a little bit of good ole\' farming.
So what happens when you plant an apple seed?
And what happens when you plant a seed of corn?
And what would you get if you planted a Venus flytrap seed?
What is the connection between you, me, the world, death, and the Hereafter?
And what does the 11th divinely appointed Imam, Imam Hasan ibn Ali al-Askari (A) say about this?
Well, Sayyid Shahryar answers in this One Minute Wisdom, using the immaculate and wise words of Imam Hasan ibn Ali al-Askari (A), as he teaches us a little bit of good ole\' farming?
And for your own good, don\'t plant a Venus flytrap seed, because you will reap what you sow.
#IslamicPulse #OneMinuteWisdom #OMW #Akhlaq #Ethics #Morality #Islam #Allah #Quran #AhlulBayt #Muslim #Shia #Imam #HasanIbnAli #Hasan #11thImam #Askari #ImamAskari #Samarra #DayOfJudgment #Revolution #JudgementDay #Scale #Good #Truth #Knowledge #Wisdom #Taqwa #Justice #Resistance #Farming #Seed #Mahdi #IslamicAwareness #EndTimes
1m:24s
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The Awaited Saviour - Who cries on our Deeds- Arabic Sub English
Every Friday Imam al Mahdi atf reads the Amaal of his followers and cries very much. He really wants to come and fill the world with Justice but...
Every Friday Imam al Mahdi atf reads the Amaal of his followers and cries very much. He really wants to come and fill the world with Justice but our sins are preventing him from coming. He is ready to come but we are not ready for him. It is said that whenever we salute him in Ziyarah he comes to greet us but our sins prevent him from reaching us. Can you imagine how much we hurt Imam Mahdi atf? We must try our best to be good Muslims and prepare for his return. May Allah sbt give us all he oppertunity to assist him in his divine mission. Ameen.
1m:37s
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Iraqi SHIA SUNNI unite to rebuild Al Askariya Shrine - 09Aug09 - English
Al ‘Askarī Mosque or the ‘Askariyya Mosque/Shrine (Arabic: مرقد الامامين علي الهادي والحسن العسكري...
Al ‘Askarī Mosque or the ‘Askariyya Mosque/Shrine (Arabic: مرقد الامامين علي الهادي والحسن العسكري Marqad al-Imāmayn ‘Alī l-Hādī wa l-Ħassan al-‘Askarī) is a Shī‘ah Muslim holy site located in the Iraqi city of Sāmarrā 125 km (78 mi) from Baghdad. It is one of the most important Shī‘ah mosques in the world, built in 944.[1] Its dome was destroyed in a bombing by terrorists in February 2006 and its two remaining minarets were destroyed in another bombing in June 2007, causing widespread anger amongst Muslims. The remaining clock tower was also destroyed in July 2007. The remains of the 10th and 11th Shī‘ah Imāms, ‘Alī al-Hādī ("an-Naqī") and his son Hasan al-‘Askarī, known as: al-‘Askariyyain ("the two ‘Askarīs"), rest at the shrine[2]. Also buried within the Mosque are: Hakimah Khātūn, sister of ‘Alī al-Hādī; and Narjis Khātūn, the mother of Muħammad al-Mahdī[3]. Adjacent to this shrine is another mosque, built over the location where the Twelfth or "Hidden" Imām, Muħammad al-Mahdī first entered the Minor Occultation.
The ‘Askariyya Shrine is also known as the "Tomb or Mausoleum of the Two Imāms", "the Tomb of Imāms ‘Alī al-Hādī and Hasan al-‘Askarī" and "al-Hadhratu l-‘Askariyya".
CLAIMS OF SECTARIAN VIOLENCE ARE ABSURD AS THE TWO MAJOR SECTS OF ISLAM, SHIA & SUNNI HAVE RESPECTED EACH OTHERS HOLY FIGURES FOR A LONG TIME. THESE SORTS OF INCIDENCES STARTED AFTER FOREIGN TROOPS ILLEGALY OCCUPIES IRAQ IN 2002 UNDER THE PRETEXT OF HAVING THE WEAPONS OF MASS DESTRUCTION AND THEN LATER THE CRUEL DICTATOR SADDAM. OCCUPYING TROOPS ARE STILL IN IRAQ CAUSING THE DISTRESS AND FEAR AMONG THE GENERAL PUBLIC. NOW SHIAS AND SUNNIS ARE UNITING TO EXPELL THE INVADERS FROM THEIR HOMELAND.
2m:19s
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Beti Ali ki Turbat e Zehra Par aayi hai - nauha-- Urdu
Wriiten by: SHAYAR-E-AHLEBAIT HASAN ALI SHIVJI 'FUGHAN'
Beti Ali ki Turbat-e Zehra pe aayee hai , Kurta Lahoo bahara hua bhai ka layee hai...
Wriiten by: SHAYAR-E-AHLEBAIT HASAN ALI SHIVJI 'FUGHAN'
Beti Ali ki Turbat-e Zehra pe aayee hai , Kurta Lahoo bahara hua bhai ka layee hai
kehti e Hussain ki Amma Utho utho
Zainab se karbala ka zarra majra suno
kehti e Hussain ki Amma Utho utho
Amma humara ranjho masahib hai dardnaak, Amma humare khalbo jigar ho chuke hai chaak
Amma humare nana ki ummat ne ki daga, Amma humare khoon ko samjhe sab rawa
kehti e Hussain ki Amma Utho utho
Zainab se karbala ka zarra majra suno
Amma taras ke reh gaye paani ko hum tamam, Amma diya na humko kisi ne bhi ek jaam
Amma humare Mard tahe teg hogaye, Amma nahake khoon main bechare so gaye
kehti e Hussain ki Amma Utho utho
Zainab se karbala ka zarra Majra suno
Amma Pade hai nahar par Abbas Ruth kar, Amma Sakina soti hai zinda main be pidar
Amma kaha se Akbar-e-Mehroo ko lau main , Amma kaha se Asgar-e-Nadan ko pau main
kehti e Hussain ki Amma Utho utho
Zainab se karbala ka zarra Majra suno
Amma wo mere Aun o Mohammed mere pisar, Maidaan-e-Karbala main pade hai kata ke sar
Amma lahoo main doob k Kasim bhi chal base, Amma Hasan ko muh na dikhane ke hum rahe
kehti e Hussain ki Amma Utho utho
Zainab se karbala ka zarra Majra suno
Amma Hussain Karbobalahee main rahe gaye, Amma Hussain saare Masahib ko seh gaye
Amma Hussain mar gaye be yaaro be watan , Amma hussain ko na mayaser hua kafan
kehti e Hussain ki Amma Utho utho
Zainab se karbala ka zarra Majra suno
Amma humari chaadare bhi chin gayee tamam , Amma humare haal par haste the ahle shaam
Amma wo shaam-e- Gurbate Shabbir ahha, Amma wo raat kaali wo sunsaan katl gaa
kehti e Hussain ki Amma Utho utho
Zainab se karbala ka zarra Majra suno
Amma ye haal -e-Abid-e-Bimaar hogaya , Zalim sipahi ne le liya bistar garib ka
Amma kadam kadam pe aseeri rula gayee, gardan main tauk paav main zanjeer aagayee
kehti e Hussain ki amma Utho utho
Zainab se karbala ka zarra Majra suno
Amma wo bibiyon ka tadapna wo shor-o-shay, Amma rahegi yaad wo aabon bukh wo bey
Amma Rabab roti hai Asgar ko subho shaam , Akbar ko yaad karti hai Laila-e-tashnkaam
kehti e Hussain ki amma Utho utho
Zainhab se karbala ka zarra majra suno
Baazu ke neel dekhiye Amma Khuda gawa, Maktal ki gard bangayee ab shaa Khuda gawa
Amma ye bebasi ye qayamat ki bebasi , amma Humare haal par roti hai amma bekasi
kehti e Hussain ki Amma Utho utho
Zainab se karbala ka zarra Majra suno
Amma batayiye tho main ab jee k kya karu , kiss tarah ab Hussain ki furkat ka gam sahu
aayi Fughan nida ki sare hashr hum bhi ab , Kurta lahoo bhara hua rakh denge peshe rab
Beti tumhara Bhai Shah-e- Mashra khain hain, beti tumhare sabr main fathe Hussain hai
kehti e Hussain ki Amma Utho utho
Zaihab se karbala ka zarra Majra suno
9m:43s
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[English Translation] Interview Bashar Al-Asad - President Syria on...
DAMASCUS, (SANA)-President Bashar al-Assad gave an interview to al-Manar TV broadcasted on Thursday,
Following is the full text of the...
DAMASCUS, (SANA)-President Bashar al-Assad gave an interview to al-Manar TV broadcasted on Thursday,
Following is the full text of the interview:
Al-Manar: In the name of Allah, the Compassionate, the Merciful. Assalamu Alaikum. Bloodshed in Syria continues unabated. This is the only constant over which there is little disagreement between those loyal to the Syrian state and those opposed to it. However, there is no common ground over the other constants and details two years into the current crisis. At the time, a great deal was said about the imminent fall of the regime. Deadlines were set and missed; and all those bets were lost. Today, we are here in the heart of Damascus, enjoying the hospitality of a president who has become a source of consternation to many of his opponents who are still unable to understand the equations that have played havoc with their calculations and prevented his ouster from the Syrian political scene. This unpleasant and unexpected outcome for his opponents upset their schemes and plots because they didn’t take into account one self-evident question: what happens if the regime doesn’t fall? What if President Assad doesn’t leave the Syrian scene? Of course, there are no clear answers; and the result is more destruction, killing and bloodshed. Today there is talk of a critical juncture for Syria. The Syrian Army has moved from defense to attack, achieving one success after another. On a parallel level, stagnant diplomatic waters have been shaken by discussions over a Geneva 2 conference becoming a recurrent theme in the statements of all parties. There are many questions which need answers: political settlement, resorting to the military option to decide the outcome, the Israeli enemy’s direct interference with the course of events in the current crisis, the new equations on the Golan Heights, the relationship with opponents and friends. What is the Syrian leadership’s plan for a way out of a complex and dangerous crisis whose ramifications have started to spill over into neighboring countries? It is our great pleasure tonight to put these questions to H. E. President Bashar al-Assad. Assalamu Alaikum, Mr. President.
President Assad: Assalamu Alaikum. You are most welcome in Damascus.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, we are in the heart of the People’s Palace, two and a half years into the Syrian crisis. At the time, the bet was that the president and his regime would be overthrown within weeks. How have you managed to foil the plots of your opponents and enemies? What is the secret behind this steadfastness?
President Assad: There are a number of factors are involved. One is the Syrian factor, which thwarted their intentions; the other factor is related to those who masterminded these scenarios and ended up defeating themselves because they do not know Syria or understand in detail the situation. They started with the calls of revolution, but a real revolution requires tangible elements; you cannot create a revolution simply by paying money. When this approach failed, they shifted to using sectarian slogans in order to create a division within our society. Even though they were able to infiltrate certain pockets in Syrian society, pockets of ignorance and lack of awareness that exist in any society, they were not able to create this sectarian division. Had they succeeded, Syria would have been divided up from the beginning. They also fell into their own trap by trying to promote the notion that this was a struggle to maintain power rather than a struggle for national sovereignty. No one would fight and martyr themselves in order to secure power for anyone else.
Al-Manar: In the battle for the homeland, it seems that the Syrian leadership, and after two and a half years, is making progress on the battlefield. And here if I might ask you, why have you chosen to move from defense to attack? And don’t you think that you have been late in taking the decision to go on the offensive, and consequently incurred heavy losses, if we take of Al-Qseir as an example.
President Assad: It is not a question of defense or attack. Every battle has its own tactics. From the beginning, we did not deal with each situation from a military perspective alone. We also factored in the social and political aspects as well - many Syrians were misled in the beginning and there were many friendly countries that didn’t understand the domestic dynamics. Your actions will differ according to how much consensus there is over a particular issue. There is no doubt that as events have unfolded Syrians have been able to better understand the situation and what is really at stake. This has helped the Armed Forces to better carry out their duties and achieve results. So, what is happening now is not a shift in tactic from defense to attack, but rather a shift in the balance of power in favor of the Armed Forces.
Al-Manar: How has this balance been tipped, Mr. President? Syria is being criticized for asking for the assistance of foreign fighters, and to be fully candid, it is said that Hezbollah fighters are extending assistance. In a previous interview, you said that there are 23 million Syrians; we do not need help from anyone else. What is Hezbollah doing in Syria?
President Assad: The main reason for tipping the balance is the change in people’s opinion in areas that used to incubate armed groups, not necessarily due to lack of patriotism on their part, but because they were deceived. They were led to believe that there was a revolution against the failings of the state. This has changed; many individuals have left these terrorist groups and have returned to their normal lives. As to what is being said about Hezbollah and the participation of foreign fighters alongside the Syrian Army, this is a hugely important issue and has several factors. Each of these factors should be clearly understood. Hezbollah, the battle at Al-Qseir and the recent Israeli airstrike – these three factors cannot be looked at in isolation of the other, they are all a part of the same issue. Let’s be frank. In recent weeks, and particularly after Mr. Hasan Nasrallah’s speech, Arab and foreign media have said that Hezbollah fighters are fighting in Syria and defending the Syrian state, or to use their words “the regime.” Logically speaking, if Hezbollah or the resistance wanted to defend Syria by sending fighters, how many could they send - a few hundred, a thousand or two? We are talking about a battle in which hundreds of thousands of Syrian troops are involved against tens of thousands of terrorists, if not more because of the constant flow of fighters from neighboring and foreign countries that support those terrorists. So clearly, the number of fighters Hezbollah might contribute in order to defend the Syrian state in its battle, would be a drop in the ocean compared to the number of Syrian soldiers fighting the terrorists. When also taking into account the vast expanse of Syria, these numbers will neither protect a state nor ‘regime.’ This is from one perspective. From another, if they say they are defending the state, why now? Battles started after Ramadan in 2011 and escalated into 2012, the summer of 2012 to be precise. They started the battle to “liberate Damascus” and set a zero hour for the first time, the second time and a third time; the four generals were assassinated, a number of individuals fled Syria, and many people believed that was the time the state would collapse. It didn’t. Nevertheless, during all of these times, Hezbollah never intervened, so why would it intervene now? More importantly, why haven’t we seen Hezbollah fighting in Damascus and Aleppo? The more significant battles are in Damascus and in Aleppo, not in Al-Qseir. Al-Qseir is a small town in Homs, why haven’t we seen Hezbollah in the city of Homs? Clearly, all these assumptions are inaccurate. They say Al-Qseir is a strategic border town, but all the borders are strategic for the terrorists in order to smuggle in their fighters and weapons. So, all these propositions have nothing to do with Hezbollah. If we take into account the moans and groans of the Arab media, the statements made by Arab and foreign officials – even Ban Ki-moon expressed concern over Hezbollah in Al-Qseir – all of this is for the objective of suppressing and stifling the resistance. It has nothing to do with defending the Syrian state. The Syrian army has made significant achievements in Damascus, Aleppo, rural Damascus and many other areas; however, we haven’t heard the same moaning as we have heard in Al-Qseir.
Al-Manar: But, Mr. President, the nature of the battle that you and Hezbollah are waging in Al-Qseir seems, to your critics, to take the shape of a safe corridor connecting the coastal region with Damascus. Consequently, if Syria were to be divided, or if geographical changes were to be enforced, this would pave the way for an Alawite state. So, what is the nature of this battle, and how is it connected with the conflict with Israel.
President Assad: First, the Syrian and Lebanese coastal areas are not connected through Al-Qseir. Geographically this is not possible. Second, nobody would fight a battle in order to move towards separation. If you opt for separation, you move towards that objective without waging battles all over the country in order to be pushed into a particular corner. The nature of the battle does not indicate that we are heading for division, but rather the opposite, we are ensuring we remain a united country. Our forefathers rejected the idea of division when the French proposed this during their occupation of Syria because at the time they were very aware of its consequences. Is it possible or even fathomable that generations later, we their children, are less aware or mindful? Once again, the battle in Al-Qseir and all the bemoaning is related to Israel. The timing of the battle in Al-Qseir was synchronized with the Israeli airstrike. Their objective is to stifle the resistance. This is the same old campaign taking on a different form. Now what’s important is not al-Qseir as a town, but the borders; they want to stifle the resistance from land and from the sea. Here the question begs itself - some have said that the resistance should face the enemy and consequently remain in the south. This was said on May 7, 2008, when some of Israel’s agents in Lebanon tried to tamper with the communications system of the resistance; they claimed that the resistance turned its weapons inwards. They said the same thing about the Syrian Army; that the Syrian Army should fight on the borders with Israel. We have said very clearly that our Army will fight the enemy wherever it is. When the enemy is in the north, we move north; the same applies if the enemy comes from the east or the west. This is also the case for Hezbollah. So the question is why is Hezbollah deployed on the borders inside Lebanon or inside Syria? The answer is that our battle is a battle against the Israeli enemy and its proxies inside Syria or inside Lebanon.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, if I might ask about Israel’s involvement in the Syrian crisis through the recent airstrike against Damascus. Israel immediately attached certain messages to this airstrike by saying it doesn’t want escalation or doesn’t intend to interfere in the Syrian crisis. The question is: what does Israel want and what type of interference?
President Assad: This is exactly my point. Everything that is happening at the moment is aimed, first and foremost, at stifling the resistance. Israel’s support of the terrorists was for two purposes. The first is to stifle the resistance; the second is to strike the Syrian air defense systems. It is not interested in anything else.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, since Israel’s objectives are clear, the Syrian state was criticized for its muted response. Everyone was expecting a Syrian response, and the Syrian government stated that it reserves the right to respond at the appropriate time and place. Why didn’t the response come immediately? And is it enough for a senior source to say that missiles have been directed at the Israeli enemy and that any attack will be retaliated immediately without resorting to Army command?
President Assad: We have informed all the Arab and foreign parties - mostly foreign - that contacted us, that we will respond the next time. Of course, there has been more than one response. There have been several Israeli attempted violations to which there was immediate retaliation. But these short-term responses have no real value; they are only of a political nature. If we want to respond to Israel, the response will be of strategic significance.
Al-Manar: How? By opening the Golan front, for instance?
President Assad: This depends on public opinion, whether there is a consensus in support of the resistance or not. That’s the question. Al-Manar: How is the situation in Syria now?
President Assad: In fact, there is clear popular pressure to open the Golan front to resistance. This enthusiasm is also on the Arab level; we have received many Arab delegations wanting to know how young people might be enrolled to come and fight Israel. Of course, resistance is not easy. It is not merely a question of opening the front geographically. It is a political, ideological, and social issue, with the net result being military action.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, if we take into account the incident on the Golan Heights and Syria’s retaliation on the Israeli military vehicle that crossed the combat line, does this mean that the rules of engagement have changed? And if the rules of the game have changed, what is the new equation, so to speak?
President Assad: Real change in the rules of engagement happens when there is a popular condition pushing for resistance. Any other change is short-term, unless we are heading towards war. Any response of any kind might only appear to be a change to the rules of engagement, but I don’t think it really is. The real change is when the people move towards resistance; this is the really dramatic change.
Al-Manar: Don’t you think that this is a little late? After 40 years of quiet and a state of truce on the Golan Heights, now there is talk of a movement on that front, about new equations and about new rules of the game?
President Assad: They always talk about Syria opening the front or closing the front. A state does not create resistance. Resistance can only be called so, when it is popular and spontaneous, it cannot be created. The state can either support or oppose the resistance, - or create obstacles, as is the case with some Arab countries. I believe that a state that opposes the will of its people for resistance is reckless. The issue is not that Syria has decided, after 40 years, to move in this direction. The public’s state of mind is that our National Army is carrying out its duties to protect and liberate our land. Had there not been an army, as was the situation in Lebanon when the army and the state were divided during the civil war, there would have been resistance a long time ago. Today, in the current circumstances, there are a number of factors pushing in that direction. First, there are repeated Israeli aggressions that constitute a major factor in creating this desire and required incentive. Second, the army’s engagement in battles in more than one place throughout Syria has created a sentiment on the part of many civilians that it is their duty to move in this direction in order to support the Armed Forces on the Golan.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, Benjamin Netanyahu said that Israel would not hesitate to attack Syria if it detected that weapons are being conveyed to Hezbollah in Lebanon. If Israel carried out its threats, I want a direct answer from you: what would Syria do?
President Assad: As I have said, we have informed the relevant states that we will respond in kind. Of course, it is difficult to specify the military means that would be used, that is for our military command to decide. We plan for different scenarios, depending on the circumstances and the timing of the strike that would determine which method or weapons.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, after the airstrike that targeted Damascus, there was talk about the S300 missiles and that this missile system will tip the balance. Based on this argument, Netanyahu visited Moscow. My direct question is this: are these missiles on their way to Damascus? Is Syria now in possession of these missiles?
President Assad: It is not our policy to talk publically about military issues in terms of what we possess or what we receive. As far as Russia is concerned, the contracts have nothing to do with the crisis. We have negotiated with them on different kinds of weapons for years, and Russia is committed to honoring these contracts. What I want to say is that neither Netanyahu’s visit nor the crisis and the conditions surrounding it have influenced arms imports. All of our agreements with Russia will be implemented, some have been implemented during the past period and, together with the Russians, we will continue to implement these contracts in the future.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, we have talked about the steadfastness of the Syrian leadership and the Syrian state. We have discussed the progress being achieved on the battlefield, and strengthening the alliance between Syria and the resistance. These are all within the same front. From another perspective, there is diplomatic activity stirring waters that have been stagnant for two and a half years. Before we talk about this and about the Geneva conference and the red lines that Syria has drawn, there was a simple proposition or a simple solution suggested by the former head of the coalition, Muaz al-Khatib. He said that the president, together with 500 other dignitaries would be allowed to leave the country within 20 days, and the crisis would be over. Why don’t you meet this request and put an end to the crisis?
President Assad: I have always talked about the basic principle: that the Syrian people alone have the right to decide whether the president should remain or leave. So, anybody speaking on this subject should state which part of the Syrian people they represent and who granted them the authority to speak on their behalf. As for this initiative, I haven’t actually read it, but I was very happy that they allowed me 20 days and 500 people! I don’t know who proposed the initiative; I don’t care much about names.
Al-Manar: He actually said that you would be given 20 days, 500 people, and no guarantees. You’ll be allowed to leave but with no guarantee whatsoever on whether legal action would be taken against you or not. Mr. President, this brings us to the negotiations, I am referring to Geneva 2. The Syrian government and leadership have announced initial agreement to take part in this conference. If this conference is held, there will be a table with the Syrian flag on one side and the flag of the opposition groups on the other. How can you convince the Syrian people after two and a half years of crisis that you will sit face to face at the same negotiating table with these groups?
President Assad: First of all, regarding the flag, it is meaningless without the people it represents. When we put a flag on a table or anywhere else, we talk about the people represented by that flag. This question can be put to those who raise flags they call Syrian but are different from the official Syrian flag. So, this flag has no value when it does not represent the people. Secondly, we will attend this conference as the official delegation and legitimate representatives of the Syrian people. But, whom do they represent? When the conference is over, we return to Syria, we return home to our people. But when the conference is over, whom do they return to - five-star hotels? Or to the foreign ministries of the states that they represent – which doesn’t include Syria of course - in order to submit their reports? Or do they return to the intelligence services of those countries? So, when we attend this conference, we should know very clearly the positions of some of those sitting at the table - and I say some because the conference format is not clear yet and as such we do not have details as to how the patriotic Syrian opposition will be considered or the other opposition parties in Syria. As for the opposition groups abroad and their flag, we know that we are attending the conference not to negotiate with them, but rather with the states that back them; it will appear as though we are negotiating with the slaves, but essentially we are negotiating with their masters. This is the truth, we shouldn’t deceive ourselves.
Al-Manar: Are you, in the Syrian leadership, convinced that these negotiations will be held next month?
President Assad: We expect them to happen, unless they are obstructed by other states. As far as we are concerned in Syria, we have announced a couple of days ago that we agree in principle to attend.
Al-Manar: When you say in principle, it seems that you are considering other options.
President Assad: In principle, we are in favour of the conference as a notion, but there are no details yet. For example, will there be conditions placed before the conference? If so, these conditions may be unacceptable and we would not attend. So the idea of the conference, of a meeting, in principle is a good one. We will have to wait and see.
Al-Manar: Let’s talk, Mr. President, about the conditions put by the Syrian leadership. What are Syria’s conditions?
President Assad: Simply put, our only condition is that anything agreed upon in any meeting inside or outside the country, including the conference, is subject to the approval of the Syrian people through a popular referendum. This is the only condition. Anything else doesn’t have any value. That is why we are comfortable with going to the conference. We have no complexes. Either side can propose anything, but nothing can be implemented without the approval of the Syrian people. And as long as we are the legitimate representatives of the people, we have nothing to fear.
Al-Manar: Let’s be clear, Mr. President. There is a lot of ambiguity in Geneva 1 and Geneva 2 about the transitional period and the role of President Bashar al-Assad in that transitional period. Are you prepared to hand over all your authorities to this transitional government? And how do you understand this ambiguous term?
President Assad: This is what I made clear in the initiative I proposed in January this year. They say they want a transitional government in which the president has no role. In Syria we have a presidential system, where the President is head of the republic and the Prime Minister heads the government. They want a government with broad authorities. The Syrian constitution gives the government full authorities. The president is the commander-in-chief of the Army and Armed Forces and the head of the Supreme Judicial Council. All the other institutions report directly to the government. Changing the authorities of the president is subject to changing the constitution; the president cannot just relinquish his authorities, he doesn\\\'t have the constitutional right. Changing the constitution requires a popular referendum. When they want to propose such issues, they might be discussed in the conference, and when we agree on something - if we agree, we return home and put it to a popular referendum and then move on. But for them to ask for the amendment of the constitution in advance, this cannot be done neither by the president nor by the government.
Al-Manar: Frankly, Mr. President, all the international positions taken against you and all your political opponents said that they don’t want a role for al-Assad in Syria’s future. This is what the Saudi foreign minister Saud al-Faisal said and this is what the Turks and the Qataris said, and also the Syrian opposition. Will President Assad be nominated for the forthcoming presidential elections in 2014?
President Assad: What I know is that Saud al-Faisal is a specialist in American affairs, I don’t know if he knows anything about Syrian affairs. If he wants to learn, that’s fine! As to the desires of others, I repeat what I have said earlier: the only desires relevant are those of the Syrian people. With regards to the nomination, some parties have said that it is preferable that the president shouldn’t be nominated for the 2014 elections. This issue will be determined closer to the time; it is still too early to discuss this. When the time comes, and I feel, through my meetings and interactions with the Syrian people, that there is a need and public desire for me to nominate myself, I will not hesitate. However, if I feel that the Syrian people do not want me to lead them, then naturally I will not put myself forward. They are wasting their time on such talk.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, you mentioned the Saudi foreign minister Saud al-Faisal. This makes me ask about Syria’s relationship with Saudi Arabia, with Qatar, with Turkey, particularly if we take into account that their recent position in the Arab ministerial committee was relatively moderate. They did not directly and publically call for the ouster of President Assad. Do you feel any change or any support on the part of these countries for a political solution to the Syrian crisis? And is Syria prepared to deal once more with the Arab League, taking into account that the Syrian government asked for an apology from the Arab League?
President Assad: Concerning the Arab states, we see brief changes in their rhetoric but not in their actions. The countries that support the terrorists have not changed; they are still supporting terrorism to the same extent. Turkey also has not made any positive steps. As for Qatar, their role is also the same, the role of the funder - the bank funding the terrorists and supporting them through Turkey. So, overall, no change. As for the Arab League, in Syria we have never pinned our hopes on the Arab League. Even in the past decades, we were barely able to dismantle the mines set for us in the different meetings, whether in the summits or in meetings of the foreign ministers. So in light of this and its recent actions, can we really expect it to play a role? We are open to everybody, we never close our doors. But we should also be realistic and face the truth that they are unable to offer anything, particularly since a significant number of the Arab states are not independent. They receive their orders from the outside. Some of them are sympathetic to us in their hearts, but they cannot act on their feelings because they are not in possession of their decisions. So, no, we do not pin any hopes on the Arab League.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, this leads us to ask: if the Arab environment is as such, and taking into account the developments on the ground and the steadfastness, the Geneva conference and the negotiations, the basic question is: what if the political negotiations fail? What are the consequences of the failure of political negotiations?
President Assad: This is quite possible, because there are states that are obstructing the meeting in principle, and they are going only to avoid embarrassment. They are opposed to any dialogue whether inside or outside Syria. Even the Russians, in several statements, have dampened expectations from this conference. But we should also be accurate in defining this dialogue, particularly in relation to what is happening on the ground. Most of the factions engaged in talking about what is happening in Syria have no influence on the ground; they don’t even have direct relationships with the terrorists. In some instances these terrorists are directly linked with the states that are backing them, in other cases, they are mere gangs paid to carry out terrorist activities. So, the failure of the conference will not significantly change the reality inside Syria, because these states will not stop supporting the terrorists - conference or no conference, and the gangs will not stop their subversive activities. So it has no impact on them.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, the events in Syria are spilling over to neighboring countries. We see what’s happening in Iraq, the explosions in Al-Rihaniye in Turkey and also in Lebanon. In Ersal, Tripoli, Hezbollah taking part in the fighting in Al-Qseir. How does Syria approach the situation in Lebanon, and do you think the Lebanese policy of dissociation is still applied or accepted?
President Assad: Let me pose some questions based on the reality in Syria and in Lebanon about the policy of dissociation in order not to be accused of making a value judgment on whether this policy is right or wrong. Let’s start with some simple questions: Has Lebanon been able to prevent Lebanese interference in Syria? Has it been able to prevent the smuggling of terrorists or weapons into Syria or providing a safe haven for them in Lebanon? It hasn’t; in fact, everyone knows that Lebanon has contributed negatively to the Syrian crisis. Most recently, has Lebanon been able to protect itself against the consequences of the Syrian crisis, most markedly in Tripoli and the missiles that have been falling over different areas of Beirut or its surroundings? It hasn’t. So what kind of dissociation are we talking about? For Lebanon to dissociate itself from the crisis is one thing, and for the government to dissociate itself is another. When the government dissociates itself from a certain issue that affects the interests of the Lebanese people, it is in fact dissociating itself from the Lebanese citizens. I’m not criticizing the Lebanese government - I’m talking about general principles. I don’t want it to be said that I’m criticizing this government. If the Syrian government were to dissociate itself from issues that are of concern to the Syrian people, it would also fail. So in response to your question with regards to Lebanon’s policy of dissociation, we don’t believe this is realistically possible. When my neighbor’s house is on fire, I cannot say that it’s none of my business because sooner or later the fire will spread to my house.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, what would you say to the supporters of the axis of resistance? We are celebrating the anniversary of the victory of the resistance and the liberation of south Lebanon, in an atmosphere of promises of victory, which Mr. Hasan Nasrallah has talked about. You are saying with great confidence that you will emerge triumphant from this crisis. What would you say to all this audience? Are we about to reach the end of this dark tunnel?
President Assad: I believe that the greatest victory achieved by the Arab resistance movements in the past years and decades is primarily an intellectual victory. This resistance wouldn’t have been able to succeed militarily if they hadn’t been able to succeed and stand fast against a campaign aimed at distorting concepts and principles in this region. Before the civil war in Lebanon, some people used to say that Lebanon’s strength lies in its weakness; this is similar to saying that a man’s intelligence lies in his stupidity, or that honor is maintained through corruption. This is an illogical contradiction. The victories of the resistance at different junctures proved that this concept is not true, and it showed that Lebanon’s weakness lies in its weakness and Lebanon’s strength lies in its strength. Lebanon’s strength is in its resistance and these resistance fighters you referred to. Today, more than ever before, we are in need of these ideas, of this mindset, of this steadfastness and of these actions carried out by the resistance fighters. The events in the Arab world during the past years have distorted concepts to the extent that some Arabs have forgotten that the real enemy is still Israel and have instead created internal, sectarian, regional or national enemies. Today we pin our hopes on these resistance fighters to remind the Arab people, through their achievements, that our enemy is still the same. As for my confidence in victory, if we weren’t so confident we wouldn’t have been able to stand fast or to continue this battle after two years of a global attack. This is not a tripartite attack like the one in 1956; it is in fact a global war waged against Syria and the resistance. We have absolute confidence in our victory, and I assure them that Syria will always remain, even more so than before, supportive of the resistance and resistance fighters everywhere in the Arab world.
Al-Manar: In conclusion, it has been my great honor to conduct this interview with Your Excellency, President Bashar al-Assad of the Syrian Arab Republic. Thank you very much. President Assad: You are welcome. I would like to congratulate Al-Manar channel, the channel of resistance, on the anniversary of the liberation and to congratulate the Lebanese people and every resistance fighter in Lebanon.
Al-Manar: Thank you.
33m:34s
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[Arabic] لقاء خاص مع الرئيس بشار الأسد - Bashar...
DAMASCUS, (SANA)-President Bashar al-Assad gave an interview to al-Manar TV broadcasted on Thursday,
Following is the full text of the...
DAMASCUS, (SANA)-President Bashar al-Assad gave an interview to al-Manar TV broadcasted on Thursday,
Following is the full text of the interview:
Al-Manar: In the name of Allah, the Compassionate, the Merciful. Assalamu Alaikum. Bloodshed in Syria continues unabated. This is the only constant over which there is little disagreement between those loyal to the Syrian state and those opposed to it. However, there is no common ground over the other constants and details two years into the current crisis. At the time, a great deal was said about the imminent fall of the regime. Deadlines were set and missed; and all those bets were lost. Today, we are here in the heart of Damascus, enjoying the hospitality of a president who has become a source of consternation to many of his opponents who are still unable to understand the equations that have played havoc with their calculations and prevented his ouster from the Syrian political scene. This unpleasant and unexpected outcome for his opponents upset their schemes and plots because they didn’t take into account one self-evident question: what happens if the regime doesn’t fall? What if President Assad doesn’t leave the Syrian scene? Of course, there are no clear answers; and the result is more destruction, killing and bloodshed. Today there is talk of a critical juncture for Syria. The Syrian Army has moved from defense to attack, achieving one success after another. On a parallel level, stagnant diplomatic waters have been shaken by discussions over a Geneva 2 conference becoming a recurrent theme in the statements of all parties. There are many questions which need answers: political settlement, resorting to the military option to decide the outcome, the Israeli enemy’s direct interference with the course of events in the current crisis, the new equations on the Golan Heights, the relationship with opponents and friends. What is the Syrian leadership’s plan for a way out of a complex and dangerous crisis whose ramifications have started to spill over into neighboring countries? It is our great pleasure tonight to put these questions to H. E. President Bashar al-Assad. Assalamu Alaikum, Mr. President.
President Assad: Assalamu Alaikum. You are most welcome in Damascus.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, we are in the heart of the People’s Palace, two and a half years into the Syrian crisis. At the time, the bet was that the president and his regime would be overthrown within weeks. How have you managed to foil the plots of your opponents and enemies? What is the secret behind this steadfastness?
President Assad: There are a number of factors are involved. One is the Syrian factor, which thwarted their intentions; the other factor is related to those who masterminded these scenarios and ended up defeating themselves because they do not know Syria or understand in detail the situation. They started with the calls of revolution, but a real revolution requires tangible elements; you cannot create a revolution simply by paying money. When this approach failed, they shifted to using sectarian slogans in order to create a division within our society. Even though they were able to infiltrate certain pockets in Syrian society, pockets of ignorance and lack of awareness that exist in any society, they were not able to create this sectarian division. Had they succeeded, Syria would have been divided up from the beginning. They also fell into their own trap by trying to promote the notion that this was a struggle to maintain power rather than a struggle for national sovereignty. No one would fight and martyr themselves in order to secure power for anyone else.
Al-Manar: In the battle for the homeland, it seems that the Syrian leadership, and after two and a half years, is making progress on the battlefield. And here if I might ask you, why have you chosen to move from defense to attack? And don’t you think that you have been late in taking the decision to go on the offensive, and consequently incurred heavy losses, if we take of Al-Qseir as an example.
President Assad: It is not a question of defense or attack. Every battle has its own tactics. From the beginning, we did not deal with each situation from a military perspective alone. We also factored in the social and political aspects as well - many Syrians were misled in the beginning and there were many friendly countries that didn’t understand the domestic dynamics. Your actions will differ according to how much consensus there is over a particular issue. There is no doubt that as events have unfolded Syrians have been able to better understand the situation and what is really at stake. This has helped the Armed Forces to better carry out their duties and achieve results. So, what is happening now is not a shift in tactic from defense to attack, but rather a shift in the balance of power in favor of the Armed Forces.
Al-Manar: How has this balance been tipped, Mr. President? Syria is being criticized for asking for the assistance of foreign fighters, and to be fully candid, it is said that Hezbollah fighters are extending assistance. In a previous interview, you said that there are 23 million Syrians; we do not need help from anyone else. What is Hezbollah doing in Syria?
President Assad: The main reason for tipping the balance is the change in people’s opinion in areas that used to incubate armed groups, not necessarily due to lack of patriotism on their part, but because they were deceived. They were led to believe that there was a revolution against the failings of the state. This has changed; many individuals have left these terrorist groups and have returned to their normal lives. As to what is being said about Hezbollah and the participation of foreign fighters alongside the Syrian Army, this is a hugely important issue and has several factors. Each of these factors should be clearly understood. Hezbollah, the battle at Al-Qseir and the recent Israeli airstrike – these three factors cannot be looked at in isolation of the other, they are all a part of the same issue. Let’s be frank. In recent weeks, and particularly after Mr. Hasan Nasrallah’s speech, Arab and foreign media have said that Hezbollah fighters are fighting in Syria and defending the Syrian state, or to use their words “the regime.” Logically speaking, if Hezbollah or the resistance wanted to defend Syria by sending fighters, how many could they send - a few hundred, a thousand or two? We are talking about a battle in which hundreds of thousands of Syrian troops are involved against tens of thousands of terrorists, if not more because of the constant flow of fighters from neighboring and foreign countries that support those terrorists. So clearly, the number of fighters Hezbollah might contribute in order to defend the Syrian state in its battle, would be a drop in the ocean compared to the number of Syrian soldiers fighting the terrorists. When also taking into account the vast expanse of Syria, these numbers will neither protect a state nor ‘regime.’ This is from one perspective. From another, if they say they are defending the state, why now? Battles started after Ramadan in 2011 and escalated into 2012, the summer of 2012 to be precise. They started the battle to “liberate Damascus” and set a zero hour for the first time, the second time and a third time; the four generals were assassinated, a number of individuals fled Syria, and many people believed that was the time the state would collapse. It didn’t. Nevertheless, during all of these times, Hezbollah never intervened, so why would it intervene now? More importantly, why haven’t we seen Hezbollah fighting in Damascus and Aleppo? The more significant battles are in Damascus and in Aleppo, not in Al-Qseir. Al-Qseir is a small town in Homs, why haven’t we seen Hezbollah in the city of Homs? Clearly, all these assumptions are inaccurate. They say Al-Qseir is a strategic border town, but all the borders are strategic for the terrorists in order to smuggle in their fighters and weapons. So, all these propositions have nothing to do with Hezbollah. If we take into account the moans and groans of the Arab media, the statements made by Arab and foreign officials – even Ban Ki-moon expressed concern over Hezbollah in Al-Qseir – all of this is for the objective of suppressing and stifling the resistance. It has nothing to do with defending the Syrian state. The Syrian army has made significant achievements in Damascus, Aleppo, rural Damascus and many other areas; however, we haven’t heard the same moaning as we have heard in Al-Qseir.
Al-Manar: But, Mr. President, the nature of the battle that you and Hezbollah are waging in Al-Qseir seems, to your critics, to take the shape of a safe corridor connecting the coastal region with Damascus. Consequently, if Syria were to be divided, or if geographical changes were to be enforced, this would pave the way for an Alawite state. So, what is the nature of this battle, and how is it connected with the conflict with Israel.
President Assad: First, the Syrian and Lebanese coastal areas are not connected through Al-Qseir. Geographically this is not possible. Second, nobody would fight a battle in order to move towards separation. If you opt for separation, you move towards that objective without waging battles all over the country in order to be pushed into a particular corner. The nature of the battle does not indicate that we are heading for division, but rather the opposite, we are ensuring we remain a united country. Our forefathers rejected the idea of division when the French proposed this during their occupation of Syria because at the time they were very aware of its consequences. Is it possible or even fathomable that generations later, we their children, are less aware or mindful? Once again, the battle in Al-Qseir and all the bemoaning is related to Israel. The timing of the battle in Al-Qseir was synchronized with the Israeli airstrike. Their objective is to stifle the resistance. This is the same old campaign taking on a different form. Now what’s important is not al-Qseir as a town, but the borders; they want to stifle the resistance from land and from the sea. Here the question begs itself - some have said that the resistance should face the enemy and consequently remain in the south. This was said on May 7, 2008, when some of Israel’s agents in Lebanon tried to tamper with the communications system of the resistance; they claimed that the resistance turned its weapons inwards. They said the same thing about the Syrian Army; that the Syrian Army should fight on the borders with Israel. We have said very clearly that our Army will fight the enemy wherever it is. When the enemy is in the north, we move north; the same applies if the enemy comes from the east or the west. This is also the case for Hezbollah. So the question is why is Hezbollah deployed on the borders inside Lebanon or inside Syria? The answer is that our battle is a battle against the Israeli enemy and its proxies inside Syria or inside Lebanon.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, if I might ask about Israel’s involvement in the Syrian crisis through the recent airstrike against Damascus. Israel immediately attached certain messages to this airstrike by saying it doesn’t want escalation or doesn’t intend to interfere in the Syrian crisis. The question is: what does Israel want and what type of interference?
President Assad: This is exactly my point. Everything that is happening at the moment is aimed, first and foremost, at stifling the resistance. Israel’s support of the terrorists was for two purposes. The first is to stifle the resistance; the second is to strike the Syrian air defense systems. It is not interested in anything else.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, since Israel’s objectives are clear, the Syrian state was criticized for its muted response. Everyone was expecting a Syrian response, and the Syrian government stated that it reserves the right to respond at the appropriate time and place. Why didn’t the response come immediately? And is it enough for a senior source to say that missiles have been directed at the Israeli enemy and that any attack will be retaliated immediately without resorting to Army command?
President Assad: We have informed all the Arab and foreign parties - mostly foreign - that contacted us, that we will respond the next time. Of course, there has been more than one response. There have been several Israeli attempted violations to which there was immediate retaliation. But these short-term responses have no real value; they are only of a political nature. If we want to respond to Israel, the response will be of strategic significance.
Al-Manar: How? By opening the Golan front, for instance?
President Assad: This depends on public opinion, whether there is a consensus in support of the resistance or not. That’s the question. Al-Manar: How is the situation in Syria now?
President Assad: In fact, there is clear popular pressure to open the Golan front to resistance. This enthusiasm is also on the Arab level; we have received many Arab delegations wanting to know how young people might be enrolled to come and fight Israel. Of course, resistance is not easy. It is not merely a question of opening the front geographically. It is a political, ideological, and social issue, with the net result being military action.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, if we take into account the incident on the Golan Heights and Syria’s retaliation on the Israeli military vehicle that crossed the combat line, does this mean that the rules of engagement have changed? And if the rules of the game have changed, what is the new equation, so to speak?
President Assad: Real change in the rules of engagement happens when there is a popular condition pushing for resistance. Any other change is short-term, unless we are heading towards war. Any response of any kind might only appear to be a change to the rules of engagement, but I don’t think it really is. The real change is when the people move towards resistance; this is the really dramatic change.
Al-Manar: Don’t you think that this is a little late? After 40 years of quiet and a state of truce on the Golan Heights, now there is talk of a movement on that front, about new equations and about new rules of the game?
President Assad: They always talk about Syria opening the front or closing the front. A state does not create resistance. Resistance can only be called so, when it is popular and spontaneous, it cannot be created. The state can either support or oppose the resistance, - or create obstacles, as is the case with some Arab countries. I believe that a state that opposes the will of its people for resistance is reckless. The issue is not that Syria has decided, after 40 years, to move in this direction. The public’s state of mind is that our National Army is carrying out its duties to protect and liberate our land. Had there not been an army, as was the situation in Lebanon when the army and the state were divided during the civil war, there would have been resistance a long time ago. Today, in the current circumstances, there are a number of factors pushing in that direction. First, there are repeated Israeli aggressions that constitute a major factor in creating this desire and required incentive. Second, the army’s engagement in battles in more than one place throughout Syria has created a sentiment on the part of many civilians that it is their duty to move in this direction in order to support the Armed Forces on the Golan.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, Benjamin Netanyahu said that Israel would not hesitate to attack Syria if it detected that weapons are being conveyed to Hezbollah in Lebanon. If Israel carried out its threats, I want a direct answer from you: what would Syria do?
President Assad: As I have said, we have informed the relevant states that we will respond in kind. Of course, it is difficult to specify the military means that would be used, that is for our military command to decide. We plan for different scenarios, depending on the circumstances and the timing of the strike that would determine which method or weapons.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, after the airstrike that targeted Damascus, there was talk about the S300 missiles and that this missile system will tip the balance. Based on this argument, Netanyahu visited Moscow. My direct question is this: are these missiles on their way to Damascus? Is Syria now in possession of these missiles?
President Assad: It is not our policy to talk publically about military issues in terms of what we possess or what we receive. As far as Russia is concerned, the contracts have nothing to do with the crisis. We have negotiated with them on different kinds of weapons for years, and Russia is committed to honoring these contracts. What I want to say is that neither Netanyahu’s visit nor the crisis and the conditions surrounding it have influenced arms imports. All of our agreements with Russia will be implemented, some have been implemented during the past period and, together with the Russians, we will continue to implement these contracts in the future.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, we have talked about the steadfastness of the Syrian leadership and the Syrian state. We have discussed the progress being achieved on the battlefield, and strengthening the alliance between Syria and the resistance. These are all within the same front. From another perspective, there is diplomatic activity stirring waters that have been stagnant for two and a half years. Before we talk about this and about the Geneva conference and the red lines that Syria has drawn, there was a simple proposition or a simple solution suggested by the former head of the coalition, Muaz al-Khatib. He said that the president, together with 500 other dignitaries would be allowed to leave the country within 20 days, and the crisis would be over. Why don’t you meet this request and put an end to the crisis?
President Assad: I have always talked about the basic principle: that the Syrian people alone have the right to decide whether the president should remain or leave. So, anybody speaking on this subject should state which part of the Syrian people they represent and who granted them the authority to speak on their behalf. As for this initiative, I haven’t actually read it, but I was very happy that they allowed me 20 days and 500 people! I don’t know who proposed the initiative; I don’t care much about names.
Al-Manar: He actually said that you would be given 20 days, 500 people, and no guarantees. You’ll be allowed to leave but with no guarantee whatsoever on whether legal action would be taken against you or not. Mr. President, this brings us to the negotiations, I am referring to Geneva 2. The Syrian government and leadership have announced initial agreement to take part in this conference. If this conference is held, there will be a table with the Syrian flag on one side and the flag of the opposition groups on the other. How can you convince the Syrian people after two and a half years of crisis that you will sit face to face at the same negotiating table with these groups?
President Assad: First of all, regarding the flag, it is meaningless without the people it represents. When we put a flag on a table or anywhere else, we talk about the people represented by that flag. This question can be put to those who raise flags they call Syrian but are different from the official Syrian flag. So, this flag has no value when it does not represent the people. Secondly, we will attend this conference as the official delegation and legitimate representatives of the Syrian people. But, whom do they represent? When the conference is over, we return to Syria, we return home to our people. But when the conference is over, whom do they return to - five-star hotels? Or to the foreign ministries of the states that they represent – which doesn’t include Syria of course - in order to submit their reports? Or do they return to the intelligence services of those countries? So, when we attend this conference, we should know very clearly the positions of some of those sitting at the table - and I say some because the conference format is not clear yet and as such we do not have details as to how the patriotic Syrian opposition will be considered or the other opposition parties in Syria. As for the opposition groups abroad and their flag, we know that we are attending the conference not to negotiate with them, but rather with the states that back them; it will appear as though we are negotiating with the slaves, but essentially we are negotiating with their masters. This is the truth, we shouldn’t deceive ourselves.
Al-Manar: Are you, in the Syrian leadership, convinced that these negotiations will be held next month?
President Assad: We expect them to happen, unless they are obstructed by other states. As far as we are concerned in Syria, we have announced a couple of days ago that we agree in principle to attend.
Al-Manar: When you say in principle, it seems that you are considering other options.
President Assad: In principle, we are in favour of the conference as a notion, but there are no details yet. For example, will there be conditions placed before the conference? If so, these conditions may be unacceptable and we would not attend. So the idea of the conference, of a meeting, in principle is a good one. We will have to wait and see.
Al-Manar: Let’s talk, Mr. President, about the conditions put by the Syrian leadership. What are Syria’s conditions?
President Assad: Simply put, our only condition is that anything agreed upon in any meeting inside or outside the country, including the conference, is subject to the approval of the Syrian people through a popular referendum. This is the only condition. Anything else doesn’t have any value. That is why we are comfortable with going to the conference. We have no complexes. Either side can propose anything, but nothing can be implemented without the approval of the Syrian people. And as long as we are the legitimate representatives of the people, we have nothing to fear.
Al-Manar: Let’s be clear, Mr. President. There is a lot of ambiguity in Geneva 1 and Geneva 2 about the transitional period and the role of President Bashar al-Assad in that transitional period. Are you prepared to hand over all your authorities to this transitional government? And how do you understand this ambiguous term?
President Assad: This is what I made clear in the initiative I proposed in January this year. They say they want a transitional government in which the president has no role. In Syria we have a presidential system, where the President is head of the republic and the Prime Minister heads the government. They want a government with broad authorities. The Syrian constitution gives the government full authorities. The president is the commander-in-chief of the Army and Armed Forces and the head of the Supreme Judicial Council. All the other institutions report directly to the government. Changing the authorities of the president is subject to changing the constitution; the president cannot just relinquish his authorities, he doesn\'t have the constitutional right. Changing the constitution requires a popular referendum. When they want to propose such issues, they might be discussed in the conference, and when we agree on something - if we agree, we return home and put it to a popular referendum and then move on. But for them to ask for the amendment of the constitution in advance, this cannot be done neither by the president nor by the government.
Al-Manar: Frankly, Mr. President, all the international positions taken against you and all your political opponents said that they don’t want a role for al-Assad in Syria’s future. This is what the Saudi foreign minister Saud al-Faisal said and this is what the Turks and the Qataris said, and also the Syrian opposition. Will President Assad be nominated for the forthcoming presidential elections in 2014?
President Assad: What I know is that Saud al-Faisal is a specialist in American affairs, I don’t know if he knows anything about Syrian affairs. If he wants to learn, that’s fine! As to the desires of others, I repeat what I have said earlier: the only desires relevant are those of the Syrian people. With regards to the nomination, some parties have said that it is preferable that the president shouldn’t be nominated for the 2014 elections. This issue will be determined closer to the time; it is still too early to discuss this. When the time comes, and I feel, through my meetings and interactions with the Syrian people, that there is a need and public desire for me to nominate myself, I will not hesitate. However, if I feel that the Syrian people do not want me to lead them, then naturally I will not put myself forward. They are wasting their time on such talk.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, you mentioned the Saudi foreign minister Saud al-Faisal. This makes me ask about Syria’s relationship with Saudi Arabia, with Qatar, with Turkey, particularly if we take into account that their recent position in the Arab ministerial committee was relatively moderate. They did not directly and publically call for the ouster of President Assad. Do you feel any change or any support on the part of these countries for a political solution to the Syrian crisis? And is Syria prepared to deal once more with the Arab League, taking into account that the Syrian government asked for an apology from the Arab League?
President Assad: Concerning the Arab states, we see brief changes in their rhetoric but not in their actions. The countries that support the terrorists have not changed; they are still supporting terrorism to the same extent. Turkey also has not made any positive steps. As for Qatar, their role is also the same, the role of the funder - the bank funding the terrorists and supporting them through Turkey. So, overall, no change. As for the Arab League, in Syria we have never pinned our hopes on the Arab League. Even in the past decades, we were barely able to dismantle the mines set for us in the different meetings, whether in the summits or in meetings of the foreign ministers. So in light of this and its recent actions, can we really expect it to play a role? We are open to everybody, we never close our doors. But we should also be realistic and face the truth that they are unable to offer anything, particularly since a significant number of the Arab states are not independent. They receive their orders from the outside. Some of them are sympathetic to us in their hearts, but they cannot act on their feelings because they are not in possession of their decisions. So, no, we do not pin any hopes on the Arab League.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, this leads us to ask: if the Arab environment is as such, and taking into account the developments on the ground and the steadfastness, the Geneva conference and the negotiations, the basic question is: what if the political negotiations fail? What are the consequences of the failure of political negotiations?
President Assad: This is quite possible, because there are states that are obstructing the meeting in principle, and they are going only to avoid embarrassment. They are opposed to any dialogue whether inside or outside Syria. Even the Russians, in several statements, have dampened expectations from this conference. But we should also be accurate in defining this dialogue, particularly in relation to what is happening on the ground. Most of the factions engaged in talking about what is happening in Syria have no influence on the ground; they don’t even have direct relationships with the terrorists. In some instances these terrorists are directly linked with the states that are backing them, in other cases, they are mere gangs paid to carry out terrorist activities. So, the failure of the conference will not significantly change the reality inside Syria, because these states will not stop supporting the terrorists - conference or no conference, and the gangs will not stop their subversive activities. So it has no impact on them.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, the events in Syria are spilling over to neighboring countries. We see what’s happening in Iraq, the explosions in Al-Rihaniye in Turkey and also in Lebanon. In Ersal, Tripoli, Hezbollah taking part in the fighting in Al-Qseir. How does Syria approach the situation in Lebanon, and do you think the Lebanese policy of dissociation is still applied or accepted?
President Assad: Let me pose some questions based on the reality in Syria and in Lebanon about the policy of dissociation in order not to be accused of making a value judgment on whether this policy is right or wrong. Let’s start with some simple questions: Has Lebanon been able to prevent Lebanese interference in Syria? Has it been able to prevent the smuggling of terrorists or weapons into Syria or providing a safe haven for them in Lebanon? It hasn’t; in fact, everyone knows that Lebanon has contributed negatively to the Syrian crisis. Most recently, has Lebanon been able to protect itself against the consequences of the Syrian crisis, most markedly in Tripoli and the missiles that have been falling over different areas of Beirut or its surroundings? It hasn’t. So what kind of dissociation are we talking about? For Lebanon to dissociate itself from the crisis is one thing, and for the government to dissociate itself is another. When the government dissociates itself from a certain issue that affects the interests of the Lebanese people, it is in fact dissociating itself from the Lebanese citizens. I’m not criticizing the Lebanese government - I’m talking about general principles. I don’t want it to be said that I’m criticizing this government. If the Syrian government were to dissociate itself from issues that are of concern to the Syrian people, it would also fail. So in response to your question with regards to Lebanon’s policy of dissociation, we don’t believe this is realistically possible. When my neighbor’s house is on fire, I cannot say that it’s none of my business because sooner or later the fire will spread to my house.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, what would you say to the supporters of the axis of resistance? We are celebrating the anniversary of the victory of the resistance and the liberation of south Lebanon, in an atmosphere of promises of victory, which Mr. Hasan Nasrallah has talked about. You are saying with great confidence that you will emerge triumphant from this crisis. What would you say to all this audience? Are we about to reach the end of this dark tunnel?
President Assad: I believe that the greatest victory achieved by the Arab resistance movements in the past years and decades is primarily an intellectual victory. This resistance wouldn’t have been able to succeed militarily if they hadn’t been able to succeed and stand fast against a campaign aimed at distorting concepts and principles in this region. Before the civil war in Lebanon, some people used to say that Lebanon’s strength lies in its weakness; this is similar to saying that a man’s intelligence lies in his stupidity, or that honor is maintained through corruption. This is an illogical contradiction. The victories of the resistance at different junctures proved that this concept is not true, and it showed that Lebanon’s weakness lies in its weakness and Lebanon’s strength lies in its strength. Lebanon’s strength is in its resistance and these resistance fighters you referred to. Today, more than ever before, we are in need of these ideas, of this mindset, of this steadfastness and of these actions carried out by the resistance fighters. The events in the Arab world during the past years have distorted concepts to the extent that some Arabs have forgotten that the real enemy is still Israel and have instead created internal, sectarian, regional or national enemies. Today we pin our hopes on these resistance fighters to remind the Arab people, through their achievements, that our enemy is still the same. As for my confidence in victory, if we weren’t so confident we wouldn’t have been able to stand fast or to continue this battle after two years of a global attack. This is not a tripartite attack like the one in 1956; it is in fact a global war waged against Syria and the resistance. We have absolute confidence in our victory, and I assure them that Syria will always remain, even more so than before, supportive of the resistance and resistance fighters everywhere in the Arab world.
Al-Manar: In conclusion, it has been my great honor to conduct this interview with Your Excellency, President Bashar al-Assad of the Syrian Arab Republic. Thank you very much. President Assad: You are welcome. I would like to congratulate Al-Manar channel, the channel of resistance, on the anniversary of the liberation and to congratulate the Lebanese people and every resistance fighter in Lebanon.
Al-Manar: Thank you.
34m:40s
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[28 Oct 2013] Nasrallah: Saudi Arabia trying to prevent national...
The Secretary General of Lebanon\\\\\\\'s Resistance Movement, Hezbollah has accused Saudi Arabia of sabotaging a political solution to the...
The Secretary General of Lebanon\\\\\\\'s Resistance Movement, Hezbollah has accused Saudi Arabia of sabotaging a political solution to the situation in Syria. Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah has reiterated that there is no military solution in Syria.
4m:47s
11874
[02/11/15] Gran eco mundial de la marcha de hoy en Irán - Spanish
La masiva participación de los iraníes en las marchas celebradas este miércoles con motivo del trigésimo sexto aniversario de la victoria de la...
La masiva participación de los iraníes en las marchas celebradas este miércoles con motivo del trigésimo sexto aniversario de la victoria de la Revolución Islámica de Irán ha tenido una gran resonancia en los medios de comunicación extranjeros.
La agencia estadounidense de noticias \\\'Associated Press\\\' ha destacado que la nación persa ha celebrado el aniversario de la victoria de su revolución con multitudinarias marchas en diferentes ciudades del país en las que se han gritado eslóganes contra EE.UU. y el régimen de Israel.
“El presidente del país, Hasan Rohani durante su discurso ante miles de participantes en la manifestación (en la ciudad capitalina de Teherán) ha reiterado que pondrá todo su empeño en salvaguardar los derechos de la República Islámica de Irán en los diálogos nucleares con los grandes poderes”, ha subrayado.
Asimismo, la cadena televisiva de Al-Jazeera de Catar ha resaltado el aspecto regional del discurso del mandatario persa, manifestando que “Hasan Rohani ha reiterado que Irán siempre ha sido pionero en brindar apoyo a países como Irak, Siria, El Líbano y Yemen que están luchando contra el terrorismo”.
También, el periódico australiano Sun Herald, en su reportaje, ha considerado la participación masiva de la nación persa en las movilizaciones como demostración del poder del pueblo ante las sanciones occidentales impuestas a su país con la excusa de su programa nuclear.
Otro medio de comunicación que ha dado cobertura a este gran evento es la cadena estadounidense NBC que ha expresado su descontento por los eslóganes antiestadounidenses que dominaban el ambiente de manifestaciones de este miércoles “a pesar de aligeramiento de los embargos contra Irán”.
NBC, a continuación, ha calificado de importantes las marchas del 11 de febrero en Irán teniendo en cuenta que la Revolución Islámica fue el acontecimiento que marcó las relaciones entre el país persa y EE.UU., pues el pueblo derrocó al régimen Pahlavi, apoyado por las autoridades norteamericanas de ese tiempo y “las relaciones siguen siendo hostiles desde entonces”.
La agencia noticiera china, Xinhua, a su vez, ha reflejado la participación multitudinaria de los iraníes en los acontecimientos de este miércoles destacando los eslóganes de “abajo EE.UU.” y “abajo Israel” que hacían temblar las calles de varias ciudades del país.
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2m:33s
4378
[Speech] Dawat-e-Iftaar | Moulana Ali Afzaal Rizvi | Mah-e-Ramzaan 1440...
Dawat-e-Iftaar - دعوت افطار
Bamunasibat Wiladat Imam Hassan (as)
47th Youme Tassees Imamia Students Organization Pakistan...
Dawat-e-Iftaar - دعوت افطار
Bamunasibat Wiladat Imam Hassan (as)
47th Youme Tassees Imamia Students Organization Pakistan
Speaker: Moulana Ali Afzaal Rizvi
مولانا سید علی افضال رضوی
Venue: IRC Lawn , Karachi
بمقام: آئی ار سی ، لان - کراچی
Date: 19 May 2019 | 15th Ramzaan-ul-Mubarak 1440
25m:17s
3066
Video Tags:
رمضان,Ramzaan,رمضان
درس,Lecture,Ramdhan,دعوت
افطار,Iftaar,Aftaar,Iftar,یوم
تاسیس,امامیہ
اسٹوڈنٹس
آرگنائزیشن,ISO
Pak,Imamia
Students
Organization
Pakistan,Imam
Hassan,Imam
Hasan,Hasan
ibne
Ali,حسن
ابن
علی,ولادت
امام
حسن,IRC
Lawn,Karachi,علی
افضال
رضوی,Ali
Afzaal
Rizvi
The Battle of Karbala - In 10 minutes | English
The Battle of Karbala\' in English
Credits
Written & directed by: Ali Hasan
Coordination: Ahmad Karam
Translation: Abdul - Muhsin...
The Battle of Karbala\' in English
Credits
Written & directed by: Ali Hasan
Coordination: Ahmad Karam
Translation: Abdul - Muhsin Dashti& Rawan Dashti
Narration: Ahmad Makki
Audio Engineering: Abdullah Mubarak
Animation & Art Assets: Ali Hasan
Production: Sayyed Hashim Bahbahani Mosque
Kuwait
10m:0s
6785
اے امام حسینؑ ہم آپؑ کو (تنہا) نہیں...
اے امام حسینؑ ہم آپؑ کو (تنہا) نہیں چھوڑیں گے | سید حسن نصر اللہ
عربی ترانہ...
اے امام حسینؑ ہم آپؑ کو (تنہا) نہیں چھوڑیں گے | سید حسن نصر اللہ
عربی ترانہ کربلا / اردو سبٹائٹل
- امام حسینؑ کے ذکر کو کیوں مٹایا نہ جا سکا؟
- امامؑ کے ذکر سے آنکھیں اشکبار کیوں ہو جاتی ہیں؟
- آج کے دَور کے ظالم اور مظلوم کون ہیں؟
- آج کے حسینیؑ اور کربلائی کی ذمہ داریاں کیا ہیں؟
خوبصورت عربی، حماسی اور کربلائی ترانہ ضرور ملاحظہ فرمائیں۔
#حسن_نصراللہ #امام_حسین #عربی_ترانہ #کربلا #ولایت #وفاداری #آنسو #تنہا #عاشور #لبنان #یمن #خون #انبیا #انقلاب #انتقام #جون #حبیب_ابن_مظاہر #زہیر_ابن_قین
3m:28s
1945
Video Tags:
Wilayat,
Media,
WilayatMedia,
Imam
Husain,
Imam
Hussain,
Sayyid
Hasan
Nasrollah,
Sayyid
Hasan
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ibn
mazahir,
zohair
qain,
inteqam,
aansu,
Nasrallah. Nuestra conexíón espiritual con el Imam Mahdi (P) |...
Necesitamos, hermanos y hermanos
de una relación de calidad con el nieto del Hussein (P)
Con el recuerdo del Hussein (P)
Con...
Necesitamos, hermanos y hermanos
de una relación de calidad con el nieto del Hussein (P)
Con el recuerdo del Hussein (P)
Con quien representa al Hussein (P)
Con quien es la extensión histórica del Hussein (P)
Me refiero a la Prueba, a Hasan Al-Mahdi (P)
El recuerdo de Allah en la Tierra, el nieto del Hussein (P)
El Imam de nuestro tiempo
Bien, nosotros creemos en el
Pero ¿Cuál es la calidad de nuestra relación entre el y nosotros?
¿Crece nuestro grado de amor hacia el?
Y si es que crece nuestro amor ¿A qué grado llega?
¿Son como las cartas de las gentes de Kufa?
¿O cómo la de los compañeros del Hussein en la decima noche de Muharram?
Este grado de relación requiere trabajo en orden de conseguirlo
En hacernos fuerte en el tiempo de su ocultación y espera
Esto no sucede solo con una esperanza pura, sino con trabajo,
con esfuerzo, con esfuerzo de nuestra mente, de nuestra alma, de nuestro espíritu.
Debemos trabajar en nuestro estado, en nuestro espíritu, en nuestros corazones
y en nuestras emociones. Entonces quizá podremos llegar a este nivel de relación con el Mahdi (P)
El corazón que ama este mundo no tiene lugar para el amor puro ni un afecto limpio.
Miremos a los compañeros del Hussein (P).
Estos compañeros fueron grandes devotos porque no había en su corazón lugar para éste mundo. El amor que es combinado con el amor a este mundo dejó al Hussein en medio del desierto. E incluso sostuvo la espada que lo martirizó.
Sayed Hasan Nasrallah
9m:51s
1675
[Tarna] Hukm e Jihad Rijiz Khwani حکم جہاد رجز خوانی...
Tarana
حکمِ جہاد
ہاں اگر خامنہ ای حکم جہاد دیں
نسلِ سُلیمانی
رِجز خوانی ِ انتقام...
Tarana
حکمِ جہاد
ہاں اگر خامنہ ای حکم جہاد دیں
نسلِ سُلیمانی
رِجز خوانی ِ انتقام
مداح و کلام: حسین طاہری
البلاغ :ادارہ فروغ ثقافت اسلامی پاکستان
6m:24s
7489