Search Result in All

Babak Zanjani, Iranian billionaire topic of controversy in Iranian parliament. Twelve Iranian parliamentarians wrote a letter and asked the heads of the three branches of government to look into Babak Zanjani\\\'s case and accused him of corruption. Earlier in a press conference the head of Iran\\\'s Supreme Audit Court had talked about Zanjani. Some parliamentarians agree that simply putting this much money at the disposal of one individual without any collateral is not right and President Ahmadinejad and his cabinet had better choices. Some other representatives believe that Zanjani is not alone The spokesman for Iranian Parliament\\\'s Legal and Judicial Commission. Esfenani, thinks that accusing any person before he or she is convicted in a court of law is illegal. Experts say Babak Zanjani\\\'s estimated net worth is around 13.8 billion dollars. Iranian judiciary officials say that there is no corruption case referred to it by the parliament\\\'s article 90 commission.

Since a December uprising by Christian militia, the minority Muslim community of the Central African Republic has been subject to sectarian violence. Tens of thousands of Muslims are fleeing to neighboring countries by plane and truck as Christian militias stage brutal attacks, shattering the social fabric of this war-ravaged nation. Human Rights Watch has warned the Muslim community will disappear if killings are not stopped. The brutalities began to escalate when the country\'s first Muslim leader, Michel Djotodia, stepped down and went into exile last month. What is the root cause of the violence and what is the solution?

Since a December uprising by Christian militia, the minority Muslim community of the Central African Republic has been subject to sectarian violence. Tens of thousands of Muslims are fleeing to neighboring countries by plane and truck as Christian militias stage brutal attacks, shattering the social fabric of this war-ravaged nation. Human Rights Watch has warned the Muslim community will disappear if killings are not stopped. The brutalities began to escalate when the country\'s first Muslim leader, Michel Djotodia, stepped down and went into exile last month. What is the root cause of the violence and what is the solution?

DAMASCUS, (SANA)-President Bashar al-Assad gave an interview to al-Manar TV broadcasted on Thursday, Following is the full text of the interview: Al-Manar: In the name of Allah, the Compassionate, the Merciful. Assalamu Alaikum. Bloodshed in Syria continues unabated. This is the only constant over which there is little disagreement between those loyal to the Syrian state and those opposed to it. However, there is no common ground over the other constants and details two years into the current crisis. At the time, a great deal was said about the imminent fall of the regime. Deadlines were set and missed; and all those bets were lost. Today, we are here in the heart of Damascus, enjoying the hospitality of a president who has become a source of consternation to many of his opponents who are still unable to understand the equations that have played havoc with their calculations and prevented his ouster from the Syrian political scene. This unpleasant and unexpected outcome for his opponents upset their schemes and plots because they didn’t take into account one self-evident question: what happens if the regime doesn’t fall? What if President Assad doesn’t leave the Syrian scene? Of course, there are no clear answers; and the result is more destruction, killing and bloodshed. Today there is talk of a critical juncture for Syria. The Syrian Army has moved from defense to attack, achieving one success after another. On a parallel level, stagnant diplomatic waters have been shaken by discussions over a Geneva 2 conference becoming a recurrent theme in the statements of all parties. There are many questions which need answers: political settlement, resorting to the military option to decide the outcome, the Israeli enemy’s direct interference with the course of events in the current crisis, the new equations on the Golan Heights, the relationship with opponents and friends. What is the Syrian leadership’s plan for a way out of a complex and dangerous crisis whose ramifications have started to spill over into neighboring countries? It is our great pleasure tonight to put these questions to H. E. President Bashar al-Assad. Assalamu Alaikum, Mr. President. President Assad: Assalamu Alaikum. You are most welcome in Damascus. Al-Manar: Mr. President, we are in the heart of the People’s Palace, two and a half years into the Syrian crisis. At the time, the bet was that the president and his regime would be overthrown within weeks. How have you managed to foil the plots of your opponents and enemies? What is the secret behind this steadfastness? President Assad: There are a number of factors are involved. One is the Syrian factor, which thwarted their intentions; the other factor is related to those who masterminded these scenarios and ended up defeating themselves because they do not know Syria or understand in detail the situation. They started with the calls of revolution, but a real revolution requires tangible elements; you cannot create a revolution simply by paying money. When this approach failed, they shifted to using sectarian slogans in order to create a division within our society. Even though they were able to infiltrate certain pockets in Syrian society, pockets of ignorance and lack of awareness that exist in any society, they were not able to create this sectarian division. Had they succeeded, Syria would have been divided up from the beginning. They also fell into their own trap by trying to promote the notion that this was a struggle to maintain power rather than a struggle for national sovereignty. No one would fight and martyr themselves in order to secure power for anyone else. Al-Manar: In the battle for the homeland, it seems that the Syrian leadership, and after two and a half years, is making progress on the battlefield. And here if I might ask you, why have you chosen to move from defense to attack? And don’t you think that you have been late in taking the decision to go on the offensive, and consequently incurred heavy losses, if we take of Al-Qseir as an example. President Assad: It is not a question of defense or attack. Every battle has its own tactics. From the beginning, we did not deal with each situation from a military perspective alone. We also factored in the social and political aspects as well - many Syrians were misled in the beginning and there were many friendly countries that didn’t understand the domestic dynamics. Your actions will differ according to how much consensus there is over a particular issue. There is no doubt that as events have unfolded Syrians have been able to better understand the situation and what is really at stake. This has helped the Armed Forces to better carry out their duties and achieve results. So, what is happening now is not a shift in tactic from defense to attack, but rather a shift in the balance of power in favor of the Armed Forces. Al-Manar: How has this balance been tipped, Mr. President? Syria is being criticized for asking for the assistance of foreign fighters, and to be fully candid, it is said that Hezbollah fighters are extending assistance. In a previous interview, you said that there are 23 million Syrians; we do not need help from anyone else. What is Hezbollah doing in Syria? President Assad: The main reason for tipping the balance is the change in people’s opinion in areas that used to incubate armed groups, not necessarily due to lack of patriotism on their part, but because they were deceived. They were led to believe that there was a revolution against the failings of the state. This has changed; many individuals have left these terrorist groups and have returned to their normal lives. As to what is being said about Hezbollah and the participation of foreign fighters alongside the Syrian Army, this is a hugely important issue and has several factors. Each of these factors should be clearly understood. Hezbollah, the battle at Al-Qseir and the recent Israeli airstrike – these three factors cannot be looked at in isolation of the other, they are all a part of the same issue. Let’s be frank. In recent weeks, and particularly after Mr. Hasan Nasrallah’s speech, Arab and foreign media have said that Hezbollah fighters are fighting in Syria and defending the Syrian state, or to use their words “the regime.” Logically speaking, if Hezbollah or the resistance wanted to defend Syria by sending fighters, how many could they send - a few hundred, a thousand or two? We are talking about a battle in which hundreds of thousands of Syrian troops are involved against tens of thousands of terrorists, if not more because of the constant flow of fighters from neighboring and foreign countries that support those terrorists. So clearly, the number of fighters Hezbollah might contribute in order to defend the Syrian state in its battle, would be a drop in the ocean compared to the number of Syrian soldiers fighting the terrorists. When also taking into account the vast expanse of Syria, these numbers will neither protect a state nor ‘regime.’ This is from one perspective. From another, if they say they are defending the state, why now? Battles started after Ramadan in 2011 and escalated into 2012, the summer of 2012 to be precise. They started the battle to “liberate Damascus” and set a zero hour for the first time, the second time and a third time; the four generals were assassinated, a number of individuals fled Syria, and many people believed that was the time the state would collapse. It didn’t. Nevertheless, during all of these times, Hezbollah never intervened, so why would it intervene now? More importantly, why haven’t we seen Hezbollah fighting in Damascus and Aleppo? The more significant battles are in Damascus and in Aleppo, not in Al-Qseir. Al-Qseir is a small town in Homs, why haven’t we seen Hezbollah in the city of Homs? Clearly, all these assumptions are inaccurate. They say Al-Qseir is a strategic border town, but all the borders are strategic for the terrorists in order to smuggle in their fighters and weapons. So, all these propositions have nothing to do with Hezbollah. If we take into account the moans and groans of the Arab media, the statements made by Arab and foreign officials – even Ban Ki-moon expressed concern over Hezbollah in Al-Qseir – all of this is for the objective of suppressing and stifling the resistance. It has nothing to do with defending the Syrian state. The Syrian army has made significant achievements in Damascus, Aleppo, rural Damascus and many other areas; however, we haven’t heard the same moaning as we have heard in Al-Qseir. Al-Manar: But, Mr. President, the nature of the battle that you and Hezbollah are waging in Al-Qseir seems, to your critics, to take the shape of a safe corridor connecting the coastal region with Damascus. Consequently, if Syria were to be divided, or if geographical changes were to be enforced, this would pave the way for an Alawite state. So, what is the nature of this battle, and how is it connected with the conflict with Israel. President Assad: First, the Syrian and Lebanese coastal areas are not connected through Al-Qseir. Geographically this is not possible. Second, nobody would fight a battle in order to move towards separation. If you opt for separation, you move towards that objective without waging battles all over the country in order to be pushed into a particular corner. The nature of the battle does not indicate that we are heading for division, but rather the opposite, we are ensuring we remain a united country. Our forefathers rejected the idea of division when the French proposed this during their occupation of Syria because at the time they were very aware of its consequences. Is it possible or even fathomable that generations later, we their children, are less aware or mindful? Once again, the battle in Al-Qseir and all the bemoaning is related to Israel. The timing of the battle in Al-Qseir was synchronized with the Israeli airstrike. Their objective is to stifle the resistance. This is the same old campaign taking on a different form. Now what’s important is not al-Qseir as a town, but the borders; they want to stifle the resistance from land and from the sea. Here the question begs itself - some have said that the resistance should face the enemy and consequently remain in the south. This was said on May 7, 2008, when some of Israel’s agents in Lebanon tried to tamper with the communications system of the resistance; they claimed that the resistance turned its weapons inwards. They said the same thing about the Syrian Army; that the Syrian Army should fight on the borders with Israel. We have said very clearly that our Army will fight the enemy wherever it is. When the enemy is in the north, we move north; the same applies if the enemy comes from the east or the west. This is also the case for Hezbollah. So the question is why is Hezbollah deployed on the borders inside Lebanon or inside Syria? The answer is that our battle is a battle against the Israeli enemy and its proxies inside Syria or inside Lebanon. Al-Manar: Mr. President, if I might ask about Israel’s involvement in the Syrian crisis through the recent airstrike against Damascus. Israel immediately attached certain messages to this airstrike by saying it doesn’t want escalation or doesn’t intend to interfere in the Syrian crisis. The question is: what does Israel want and what type of interference? President Assad: This is exactly my point. Everything that is happening at the moment is aimed, first and foremost, at stifling the resistance. Israel’s support of the terrorists was for two purposes. The first is to stifle the resistance; the second is to strike the Syrian air defense systems. It is not interested in anything else. Al-Manar: Mr. President, since Israel’s objectives are clear, the Syrian state was criticized for its muted response. Everyone was expecting a Syrian response, and the Syrian government stated that it reserves the right to respond at the appropriate time and place. Why didn’t the response come immediately? And is it enough for a senior source to say that missiles have been directed at the Israeli enemy and that any attack will be retaliated immediately without resorting to Army command? President Assad: We have informed all the Arab and foreign parties - mostly foreign - that contacted us, that we will respond the next time. Of course, there has been more than one response. There have been several Israeli attempted violations to which there was immediate retaliation. But these short-term responses have no real value; they are only of a political nature. If we want to respond to Israel, the response will be of strategic significance. Al-Manar: How? By opening the Golan front, for instance? President Assad: This depends on public opinion, whether there is a consensus in support of the resistance or not. That’s the question. Al-Manar: How is the situation in Syria now? President Assad: In fact, there is clear popular pressure to open the Golan front to resistance. This enthusiasm is also on the Arab level; we have received many Arab delegations wanting to know how young people might be enrolled to come and fight Israel. Of course, resistance is not easy. It is not merely a question of opening the front geographically. It is a political, ideological, and social issue, with the net result being military action. Al-Manar: Mr. President, if we take into account the incident on the Golan Heights and Syria’s retaliation on the Israeli military vehicle that crossed the combat line, does this mean that the rules of engagement have changed? And if the rules of the game have changed, what is the new equation, so to speak? President Assad: Real change in the rules of engagement happens when there is a popular condition pushing for resistance. Any other change is short-term, unless we are heading towards war. Any response of any kind might only appear to be a change to the rules of engagement, but I don’t think it really is. The real change is when the people move towards resistance; this is the really dramatic change. Al-Manar: Don’t you think that this is a little late? After 40 years of quiet and a state of truce on the Golan Heights, now there is talk of a movement on that front, about new equations and about new rules of the game? President Assad: They always talk about Syria opening the front or closing the front. A state does not create resistance. Resistance can only be called so, when it is popular and spontaneous, it cannot be created. The state can either support or oppose the resistance, - or create obstacles, as is the case with some Arab countries. I believe that a state that opposes the will of its people for resistance is reckless. The issue is not that Syria has decided, after 40 years, to move in this direction. The public’s state of mind is that our National Army is carrying out its duties to protect and liberate our land. Had there not been an army, as was the situation in Lebanon when the army and the state were divided during the civil war, there would have been resistance a long time ago. Today, in the current circumstances, there are a number of factors pushing in that direction. First, there are repeated Israeli aggressions that constitute a major factor in creating this desire and required incentive. Second, the army’s engagement in battles in more than one place throughout Syria has created a sentiment on the part of many civilians that it is their duty to move in this direction in order to support the Armed Forces on the Golan. Al-Manar: Mr. President, Benjamin Netanyahu said that Israel would not hesitate to attack Syria if it detected that weapons are being conveyed to Hezbollah in Lebanon. If Israel carried out its threats, I want a direct answer from you: what would Syria do? President Assad: As I have said, we have informed the relevant states that we will respond in kind. Of course, it is difficult to specify the military means that would be used, that is for our military command to decide. We plan for different scenarios, depending on the circumstances and the timing of the strike that would determine which method or weapons. Al-Manar: Mr. President, after the airstrike that targeted Damascus, there was talk about the S300 missiles and that this missile system will tip the balance. Based on this argument, Netanyahu visited Moscow. My direct question is this: are these missiles on their way to Damascus? Is Syria now in possession of these missiles? President Assad: It is not our policy to talk publically about military issues in terms of what we possess or what we receive. As far as Russia is concerned, the contracts have nothing to do with the crisis. We have negotiated with them on different kinds of weapons for years, and Russia is committed to honoring these contracts. What I want to say is that neither Netanyahu’s visit nor the crisis and the conditions surrounding it have influenced arms imports. All of our agreements with Russia will be implemented, some have been implemented during the past period and, together with the Russians, we will continue to implement these contracts in the future. Al-Manar: Mr. President, we have talked about the steadfastness of the Syrian leadership and the Syrian state. We have discussed the progress being achieved on the battlefield, and strengthening the alliance between Syria and the resistance. These are all within the same front. From another perspective, there is diplomatic activity stirring waters that have been stagnant for two and a half years. Before we talk about this and about the Geneva conference and the red lines that Syria has drawn, there was a simple proposition or a simple solution suggested by the former head of the coalition, Muaz al-Khatib. He said that the president, together with 500 other dignitaries would be allowed to leave the country within 20 days, and the crisis would be over. Why don’t you meet this request and put an end to the crisis? President Assad: I have always talked about the basic principle: that the Syrian people alone have the right to decide whether the president should remain or leave. So, anybody speaking on this subject should state which part of the Syrian people they represent and who granted them the authority to speak on their behalf. As for this initiative, I haven’t actually read it, but I was very happy that they allowed me 20 days and 500 people! I don’t know who proposed the initiative; I don’t care much about names. Al-Manar: He actually said that you would be given 20 days, 500 people, and no guarantees. You’ll be allowed to leave but with no guarantee whatsoever on whether legal action would be taken against you or not. Mr. President, this brings us to the negotiations, I am referring to Geneva 2. The Syrian government and leadership have announced initial agreement to take part in this conference. If this conference is held, there will be a table with the Syrian flag on one side and the flag of the opposition groups on the other. How can you convince the Syrian people after two and a half years of crisis that you will sit face to face at the same negotiating table with these groups? President Assad: First of all, regarding the flag, it is meaningless without the people it represents. When we put a flag on a table or anywhere else, we talk about the people represented by that flag. This question can be put to those who raise flags they call Syrian but are different from the official Syrian flag. So, this flag has no value when it does not represent the people. Secondly, we will attend this conference as the official delegation and legitimate representatives of the Syrian people. But, whom do they represent? When the conference is over, we return to Syria, we return home to our people. But when the conference is over, whom do they return to - five-star hotels? Or to the foreign ministries of the states that they represent – which doesn’t include Syria of course - in order to submit their reports? Or do they return to the intelligence services of those countries? So, when we attend this conference, we should know very clearly the positions of some of those sitting at the table - and I say some because the conference format is not clear yet and as such we do not have details as to how the patriotic Syrian opposition will be considered or the other opposition parties in Syria. As for the opposition groups abroad and their flag, we know that we are attending the conference not to negotiate with them, but rather with the states that back them; it will appear as though we are negotiating with the slaves, but essentially we are negotiating with their masters. This is the truth, we shouldn’t deceive ourselves. Al-Manar: Are you, in the Syrian leadership, convinced that these negotiations will be held next month? President Assad: We expect them to happen, unless they are obstructed by other states. As far as we are concerned in Syria, we have announced a couple of days ago that we agree in principle to attend. Al-Manar: When you say in principle, it seems that you are considering other options. President Assad: In principle, we are in favour of the conference as a notion, but there are no details yet. For example, will there be conditions placed before the conference? If so, these conditions may be unacceptable and we would not attend. So the idea of the conference, of a meeting, in principle is a good one. We will have to wait and see. Al-Manar: Let’s talk, Mr. President, about the conditions put by the Syrian leadership. What are Syria’s conditions? President Assad: Simply put, our only condition is that anything agreed upon in any meeting inside or outside the country, including the conference, is subject to the approval of the Syrian people through a popular referendum. This is the only condition. Anything else doesn’t have any value. That is why we are comfortable with going to the conference. We have no complexes. Either side can propose anything, but nothing can be implemented without the approval of the Syrian people. And as long as we are the legitimate representatives of the people, we have nothing to fear. Al-Manar: Let’s be clear, Mr. President. There is a lot of ambiguity in Geneva 1 and Geneva 2 about the transitional period and the role of President Bashar al-Assad in that transitional period. Are you prepared to hand over all your authorities to this transitional government? And how do you understand this ambiguous term? President Assad: This is what I made clear in the initiative I proposed in January this year. They say they want a transitional government in which the president has no role. In Syria we have a presidential system, where the President is head of the republic and the Prime Minister heads the government. They want a government with broad authorities. The Syrian constitution gives the government full authorities. The president is the commander-in-chief of the Army and Armed Forces and the head of the Supreme Judicial Council. All the other institutions report directly to the government. Changing the authorities of the president is subject to changing the constitution; the president cannot just relinquish his authorities, he doesn\\\'t have the constitutional right. Changing the constitution requires a popular referendum. When they want to propose such issues, they might be discussed in the conference, and when we agree on something - if we agree, we return home and put it to a popular referendum and then move on. But for them to ask for the amendment of the constitution in advance, this cannot be done neither by the president nor by the government. Al-Manar: Frankly, Mr. President, all the international positions taken against you and all your political opponents said that they don’t want a role for al-Assad in Syria’s future. This is what the Saudi foreign minister Saud al-Faisal said and this is what the Turks and the Qataris said, and also the Syrian opposition. Will President Assad be nominated for the forthcoming presidential elections in 2014? President Assad: What I know is that Saud al-Faisal is a specialist in American affairs, I don’t know if he knows anything about Syrian affairs. If he wants to learn, that’s fine! As to the desires of others, I repeat what I have said earlier: the only desires relevant are those of the Syrian people. With regards to the nomination, some parties have said that it is preferable that the president shouldn’t be nominated for the 2014 elections. This issue will be determined closer to the time; it is still too early to discuss this. When the time comes, and I feel, through my meetings and interactions with the Syrian people, that there is a need and public desire for me to nominate myself, I will not hesitate. However, if I feel that the Syrian people do not want me to lead them, then naturally I will not put myself forward. They are wasting their time on such talk. Al-Manar: Mr. President, you mentioned the Saudi foreign minister Saud al-Faisal. This makes me ask about Syria’s relationship with Saudi Arabia, with Qatar, with Turkey, particularly if we take into account that their recent position in the Arab ministerial committee was relatively moderate. They did not directly and publically call for the ouster of President Assad. Do you feel any change or any support on the part of these countries for a political solution to the Syrian crisis? And is Syria prepared to deal once more with the Arab League, taking into account that the Syrian government asked for an apology from the Arab League? President Assad: Concerning the Arab states, we see brief changes in their rhetoric but not in their actions. The countries that support the terrorists have not changed; they are still supporting terrorism to the same extent. Turkey also has not made any positive steps. As for Qatar, their role is also the same, the role of the funder - the bank funding the terrorists and supporting them through Turkey. So, overall, no change. As for the Arab League, in Syria we have never pinned our hopes on the Arab League. Even in the past decades, we were barely able to dismantle the mines set for us in the different meetings, whether in the summits or in meetings of the foreign ministers. So in light of this and its recent actions, can we really expect it to play a role? We are open to everybody, we never close our doors. But we should also be realistic and face the truth that they are unable to offer anything, particularly since a significant number of the Arab states are not independent. They receive their orders from the outside. Some of them are sympathetic to us in their hearts, but they cannot act on their feelings because they are not in possession of their decisions. So, no, we do not pin any hopes on the Arab League. Al-Manar: Mr. President, this leads us to ask: if the Arab environment is as such, and taking into account the developments on the ground and the steadfastness, the Geneva conference and the negotiations, the basic question is: what if the political negotiations fail? What are the consequences of the failure of political negotiations? President Assad: This is quite possible, because there are states that are obstructing the meeting in principle, and they are going only to avoid embarrassment. They are opposed to any dialogue whether inside or outside Syria. Even the Russians, in several statements, have dampened expectations from this conference. But we should also be accurate in defining this dialogue, particularly in relation to what is happening on the ground. Most of the factions engaged in talking about what is happening in Syria have no influence on the ground; they don’t even have direct relationships with the terrorists. In some instances these terrorists are directly linked with the states that are backing them, in other cases, they are mere gangs paid to carry out terrorist activities. So, the failure of the conference will not significantly change the reality inside Syria, because these states will not stop supporting the terrorists - conference or no conference, and the gangs will not stop their subversive activities. So it has no impact on them. Al-Manar: Mr. President, the events in Syria are spilling over to neighboring countries. We see what’s happening in Iraq, the explosions in Al-Rihaniye in Turkey and also in Lebanon. In Ersal, Tripoli, Hezbollah taking part in the fighting in Al-Qseir. How does Syria approach the situation in Lebanon, and do you think the Lebanese policy of dissociation is still applied or accepted? President Assad: Let me pose some questions based on the reality in Syria and in Lebanon about the policy of dissociation in order not to be accused of making a value judgment on whether this policy is right or wrong. Let’s start with some simple questions: Has Lebanon been able to prevent Lebanese interference in Syria? Has it been able to prevent the smuggling of terrorists or weapons into Syria or providing a safe haven for them in Lebanon? It hasn’t; in fact, everyone knows that Lebanon has contributed negatively to the Syrian crisis. Most recently, has Lebanon been able to protect itself against the consequences of the Syrian crisis, most markedly in Tripoli and the missiles that have been falling over different areas of Beirut or its surroundings? It hasn’t. So what kind of dissociation are we talking about? For Lebanon to dissociate itself from the crisis is one thing, and for the government to dissociate itself is another. When the government dissociates itself from a certain issue that affects the interests of the Lebanese people, it is in fact dissociating itself from the Lebanese citizens. I’m not criticizing the Lebanese government - I’m talking about general principles. I don’t want it to be said that I’m criticizing this government. If the Syrian government were to dissociate itself from issues that are of concern to the Syrian people, it would also fail. So in response to your question with regards to Lebanon’s policy of dissociation, we don’t believe this is realistically possible. When my neighbor’s house is on fire, I cannot say that it’s none of my business because sooner or later the fire will spread to my house. Al-Manar: Mr. President, what would you say to the supporters of the axis of resistance? We are celebrating the anniversary of the victory of the resistance and the liberation of south Lebanon, in an atmosphere of promises of victory, which Mr. Hasan Nasrallah has talked about. You are saying with great confidence that you will emerge triumphant from this crisis. What would you say to all this audience? Are we about to reach the end of this dark tunnel? President Assad: I believe that the greatest victory achieved by the Arab resistance movements in the past years and decades is primarily an intellectual victory. This resistance wouldn’t have been able to succeed militarily if they hadn’t been able to succeed and stand fast against a campaign aimed at distorting concepts and principles in this region. Before the civil war in Lebanon, some people used to say that Lebanon’s strength lies in its weakness; this is similar to saying that a man’s intelligence lies in his stupidity, or that honor is maintained through corruption. This is an illogical contradiction. The victories of the resistance at different junctures proved that this concept is not true, and it showed that Lebanon’s weakness lies in its weakness and Lebanon’s strength lies in its strength. Lebanon’s strength is in its resistance and these resistance fighters you referred to. Today, more than ever before, we are in need of these ideas, of this mindset, of this steadfastness and of these actions carried out by the resistance fighters. The events in the Arab world during the past years have distorted concepts to the extent that some Arabs have forgotten that the real enemy is still Israel and have instead created internal, sectarian, regional or national enemies. Today we pin our hopes on these resistance fighters to remind the Arab people, through their achievements, that our enemy is still the same. As for my confidence in victory, if we weren’t so confident we wouldn’t have been able to stand fast or to continue this battle after two years of a global attack. This is not a tripartite attack like the one in 1956; it is in fact a global war waged against Syria and the resistance. We have absolute confidence in our victory, and I assure them that Syria will always remain, even more so than before, supportive of the resistance and resistance fighters everywhere in the Arab world. Al-Manar: In conclusion, it has been my great honor to conduct this interview with Your Excellency, President Bashar al-Assad of the Syrian Arab Republic. Thank you very much. President Assad: You are welcome. I would like to congratulate Al-Manar channel, the channel of resistance, on the anniversary of the liberation and to congratulate the Lebanese people and every resistance fighter in Lebanon. Al-Manar: Thank you.

DAMASCUS, (SANA)-President Bashar al-Assad gave an interview to al-Manar TV broadcasted on Thursday, Following is the full text of the interview: Al-Manar: In the name of Allah, the Compassionate, the Merciful. Assalamu Alaikum. Bloodshed in Syria continues unabated. This is the only constant over which there is little disagreement between those loyal to the Syrian state and those opposed to it. However, there is no common ground over the other constants and details two years into the current crisis. At the time, a great deal was said about the imminent fall of the regime. Deadlines were set and missed; and all those bets were lost. Today, we are here in the heart of Damascus, enjoying the hospitality of a president who has become a source of consternation to many of his opponents who are still unable to understand the equations that have played havoc with their calculations and prevented his ouster from the Syrian political scene. This unpleasant and unexpected outcome for his opponents upset their schemes and plots because they didn’t take into account one self-evident question: what happens if the regime doesn’t fall? What if President Assad doesn’t leave the Syrian scene? Of course, there are no clear answers; and the result is more destruction, killing and bloodshed. Today there is talk of a critical juncture for Syria. The Syrian Army has moved from defense to attack, achieving one success after another. On a parallel level, stagnant diplomatic waters have been shaken by discussions over a Geneva 2 conference becoming a recurrent theme in the statements of all parties. There are many questions which need answers: political settlement, resorting to the military option to decide the outcome, the Israeli enemy’s direct interference with the course of events in the current crisis, the new equations on the Golan Heights, the relationship with opponents and friends. What is the Syrian leadership’s plan for a way out of a complex and dangerous crisis whose ramifications have started to spill over into neighboring countries? It is our great pleasure tonight to put these questions to H. E. President Bashar al-Assad. Assalamu Alaikum, Mr. President. President Assad: Assalamu Alaikum. You are most welcome in Damascus. Al-Manar: Mr. President, we are in the heart of the People’s Palace, two and a half years into the Syrian crisis. At the time, the bet was that the president and his regime would be overthrown within weeks. How have you managed to foil the plots of your opponents and enemies? What is the secret behind this steadfastness? President Assad: There are a number of factors are involved. One is the Syrian factor, which thwarted their intentions; the other factor is related to those who masterminded these scenarios and ended up defeating themselves because they do not know Syria or understand in detail the situation. They started with the calls of revolution, but a real revolution requires tangible elements; you cannot create a revolution simply by paying money. When this approach failed, they shifted to using sectarian slogans in order to create a division within our society. Even though they were able to infiltrate certain pockets in Syrian society, pockets of ignorance and lack of awareness that exist in any society, they were not able to create this sectarian division. Had they succeeded, Syria would have been divided up from the beginning. They also fell into their own trap by trying to promote the notion that this was a struggle to maintain power rather than a struggle for national sovereignty. No one would fight and martyr themselves in order to secure power for anyone else. Al-Manar: In the battle for the homeland, it seems that the Syrian leadership, and after two and a half years, is making progress on the battlefield. And here if I might ask you, why have you chosen to move from defense to attack? And don’t you think that you have been late in taking the decision to go on the offensive, and consequently incurred heavy losses, if we take of Al-Qseir as an example. President Assad: It is not a question of defense or attack. Every battle has its own tactics. From the beginning, we did not deal with each situation from a military perspective alone. We also factored in the social and political aspects as well - many Syrians were misled in the beginning and there were many friendly countries that didn’t understand the domestic dynamics. Your actions will differ according to how much consensus there is over a particular issue. There is no doubt that as events have unfolded Syrians have been able to better understand the situation and what is really at stake. This has helped the Armed Forces to better carry out their duties and achieve results. So, what is happening now is not a shift in tactic from defense to attack, but rather a shift in the balance of power in favor of the Armed Forces. Al-Manar: How has this balance been tipped, Mr. President? Syria is being criticized for asking for the assistance of foreign fighters, and to be fully candid, it is said that Hezbollah fighters are extending assistance. In a previous interview, you said that there are 23 million Syrians; we do not need help from anyone else. What is Hezbollah doing in Syria? President Assad: The main reason for tipping the balance is the change in people’s opinion in areas that used to incubate armed groups, not necessarily due to lack of patriotism on their part, but because they were deceived. They were led to believe that there was a revolution against the failings of the state. This has changed; many individuals have left these terrorist groups and have returned to their normal lives. As to what is being said about Hezbollah and the participation of foreign fighters alongside the Syrian Army, this is a hugely important issue and has several factors. Each of these factors should be clearly understood. Hezbollah, the battle at Al-Qseir and the recent Israeli airstrike – these three factors cannot be looked at in isolation of the other, they are all a part of the same issue. Let’s be frank. In recent weeks, and particularly after Mr. Hasan Nasrallah’s speech, Arab and foreign media have said that Hezbollah fighters are fighting in Syria and defending the Syrian state, or to use their words “the regime.” Logically speaking, if Hezbollah or the resistance wanted to defend Syria by sending fighters, how many could they send - a few hundred, a thousand or two? We are talking about a battle in which hundreds of thousands of Syrian troops are involved against tens of thousands of terrorists, if not more because of the constant flow of fighters from neighboring and foreign countries that support those terrorists. So clearly, the number of fighters Hezbollah might contribute in order to defend the Syrian state in its battle, would be a drop in the ocean compared to the number of Syrian soldiers fighting the terrorists. When also taking into account the vast expanse of Syria, these numbers will neither protect a state nor ‘regime.’ This is from one perspective. From another, if they say they are defending the state, why now? Battles started after Ramadan in 2011 and escalated into 2012, the summer of 2012 to be precise. They started the battle to “liberate Damascus” and set a zero hour for the first time, the second time and a third time; the four generals were assassinated, a number of individuals fled Syria, and many people believed that was the time the state would collapse. It didn’t. Nevertheless, during all of these times, Hezbollah never intervened, so why would it intervene now? More importantly, why haven’t we seen Hezbollah fighting in Damascus and Aleppo? The more significant battles are in Damascus and in Aleppo, not in Al-Qseir. Al-Qseir is a small town in Homs, why haven’t we seen Hezbollah in the city of Homs? Clearly, all these assumptions are inaccurate. They say Al-Qseir is a strategic border town, but all the borders are strategic for the terrorists in order to smuggle in their fighters and weapons. So, all these propositions have nothing to do with Hezbollah. If we take into account the moans and groans of the Arab media, the statements made by Arab and foreign officials – even Ban Ki-moon expressed concern over Hezbollah in Al-Qseir – all of this is for the objective of suppressing and stifling the resistance. It has nothing to do with defending the Syrian state. The Syrian army has made significant achievements in Damascus, Aleppo, rural Damascus and many other areas; however, we haven’t heard the same moaning as we have heard in Al-Qseir. Al-Manar: But, Mr. President, the nature of the battle that you and Hezbollah are waging in Al-Qseir seems, to your critics, to take the shape of a safe corridor connecting the coastal region with Damascus. Consequently, if Syria were to be divided, or if geographical changes were to be enforced, this would pave the way for an Alawite state. So, what is the nature of this battle, and how is it connected with the conflict with Israel. President Assad: First, the Syrian and Lebanese coastal areas are not connected through Al-Qseir. Geographically this is not possible. Second, nobody would fight a battle in order to move towards separation. If you opt for separation, you move towards that objective without waging battles all over the country in order to be pushed into a particular corner. The nature of the battle does not indicate that we are heading for division, but rather the opposite, we are ensuring we remain a united country. Our forefathers rejected the idea of division when the French proposed this during their occupation of Syria because at the time they were very aware of its consequences. Is it possible or even fathomable that generations later, we their children, are less aware or mindful? Once again, the battle in Al-Qseir and all the bemoaning is related to Israel. The timing of the battle in Al-Qseir was synchronized with the Israeli airstrike. Their objective is to stifle the resistance. This is the same old campaign taking on a different form. Now what’s important is not al-Qseir as a town, but the borders; they want to stifle the resistance from land and from the sea. Here the question begs itself - some have said that the resistance should face the enemy and consequently remain in the south. This was said on May 7, 2008, when some of Israel’s agents in Lebanon tried to tamper with the communications system of the resistance; they claimed that the resistance turned its weapons inwards. They said the same thing about the Syrian Army; that the Syrian Army should fight on the borders with Israel. We have said very clearly that our Army will fight the enemy wherever it is. When the enemy is in the north, we move north; the same applies if the enemy comes from the east or the west. This is also the case for Hezbollah. So the question is why is Hezbollah deployed on the borders inside Lebanon or inside Syria? The answer is that our battle is a battle against the Israeli enemy and its proxies inside Syria or inside Lebanon. Al-Manar: Mr. President, if I might ask about Israel’s involvement in the Syrian crisis through the recent airstrike against Damascus. Israel immediately attached certain messages to this airstrike by saying it doesn’t want escalation or doesn’t intend to interfere in the Syrian crisis. The question is: what does Israel want and what type of interference? President Assad: This is exactly my point. Everything that is happening at the moment is aimed, first and foremost, at stifling the resistance. Israel’s support of the terrorists was for two purposes. The first is to stifle the resistance; the second is to strike the Syrian air defense systems. It is not interested in anything else. Al-Manar: Mr. President, since Israel’s objectives are clear, the Syrian state was criticized for its muted response. Everyone was expecting a Syrian response, and the Syrian government stated that it reserves the right to respond at the appropriate time and place. Why didn’t the response come immediately? And is it enough for a senior source to say that missiles have been directed at the Israeli enemy and that any attack will be retaliated immediately without resorting to Army command? President Assad: We have informed all the Arab and foreign parties - mostly foreign - that contacted us, that we will respond the next time. Of course, there has been more than one response. There have been several Israeli attempted violations to which there was immediate retaliation. But these short-term responses have no real value; they are only of a political nature. If we want to respond to Israel, the response will be of strategic significance. Al-Manar: How? By opening the Golan front, for instance? President Assad: This depends on public opinion, whether there is a consensus in support of the resistance or not. That’s the question. Al-Manar: How is the situation in Syria now? President Assad: In fact, there is clear popular pressure to open the Golan front to resistance. This enthusiasm is also on the Arab level; we have received many Arab delegations wanting to know how young people might be enrolled to come and fight Israel. Of course, resistance is not easy. It is not merely a question of opening the front geographically. It is a political, ideological, and social issue, with the net result being military action. Al-Manar: Mr. President, if we take into account the incident on the Golan Heights and Syria’s retaliation on the Israeli military vehicle that crossed the combat line, does this mean that the rules of engagement have changed? And if the rules of the game have changed, what is the new equation, so to speak? President Assad: Real change in the rules of engagement happens when there is a popular condition pushing for resistance. Any other change is short-term, unless we are heading towards war. Any response of any kind might only appear to be a change to the rules of engagement, but I don’t think it really is. The real change is when the people move towards resistance; this is the really dramatic change. Al-Manar: Don’t you think that this is a little late? After 40 years of quiet and a state of truce on the Golan Heights, now there is talk of a movement on that front, about new equations and about new rules of the game? President Assad: They always talk about Syria opening the front or closing the front. A state does not create resistance. Resistance can only be called so, when it is popular and spontaneous, it cannot be created. The state can either support or oppose the resistance, - or create obstacles, as is the case with some Arab countries. I believe that a state that opposes the will of its people for resistance is reckless. The issue is not that Syria has decided, after 40 years, to move in this direction. The public’s state of mind is that our National Army is carrying out its duties to protect and liberate our land. Had there not been an army, as was the situation in Lebanon when the army and the state were divided during the civil war, there would have been resistance a long time ago. Today, in the current circumstances, there are a number of factors pushing in that direction. First, there are repeated Israeli aggressions that constitute a major factor in creating this desire and required incentive. Second, the army’s engagement in battles in more than one place throughout Syria has created a sentiment on the part of many civilians that it is their duty to move in this direction in order to support the Armed Forces on the Golan. Al-Manar: Mr. President, Benjamin Netanyahu said that Israel would not hesitate to attack Syria if it detected that weapons are being conveyed to Hezbollah in Lebanon. If Israel carried out its threats, I want a direct answer from you: what would Syria do? President Assad: As I have said, we have informed the relevant states that we will respond in kind. Of course, it is difficult to specify the military means that would be used, that is for our military command to decide. We plan for different scenarios, depending on the circumstances and the timing of the strike that would determine which method or weapons. Al-Manar: Mr. President, after the airstrike that targeted Damascus, there was talk about the S300 missiles and that this missile system will tip the balance. Based on this argument, Netanyahu visited Moscow. My direct question is this: are these missiles on their way to Damascus? Is Syria now in possession of these missiles? President Assad: It is not our policy to talk publically about military issues in terms of what we possess or what we receive. As far as Russia is concerned, the contracts have nothing to do with the crisis. We have negotiated with them on different kinds of weapons for years, and Russia is committed to honoring these contracts. What I want to say is that neither Netanyahu’s visit nor the crisis and the conditions surrounding it have influenced arms imports. All of our agreements with Russia will be implemented, some have been implemented during the past period and, together with the Russians, we will continue to implement these contracts in the future. Al-Manar: Mr. President, we have talked about the steadfastness of the Syrian leadership and the Syrian state. We have discussed the progress being achieved on the battlefield, and strengthening the alliance between Syria and the resistance. These are all within the same front. From another perspective, there is diplomatic activity stirring waters that have been stagnant for two and a half years. Before we talk about this and about the Geneva conference and the red lines that Syria has drawn, there was a simple proposition or a simple solution suggested by the former head of the coalition, Muaz al-Khatib. He said that the president, together with 500 other dignitaries would be allowed to leave the country within 20 days, and the crisis would be over. Why don’t you meet this request and put an end to the crisis? President Assad: I have always talked about the basic principle: that the Syrian people alone have the right to decide whether the president should remain or leave. So, anybody speaking on this subject should state which part of the Syrian people they represent and who granted them the authority to speak on their behalf. As for this initiative, I haven’t actually read it, but I was very happy that they allowed me 20 days and 500 people! I don’t know who proposed the initiative; I don’t care much about names. Al-Manar: He actually said that you would be given 20 days, 500 people, and no guarantees. You’ll be allowed to leave but with no guarantee whatsoever on whether legal action would be taken against you or not. Mr. President, this brings us to the negotiations, I am referring to Geneva 2. The Syrian government and leadership have announced initial agreement to take part in this conference. If this conference is held, there will be a table with the Syrian flag on one side and the flag of the opposition groups on the other. How can you convince the Syrian people after two and a half years of crisis that you will sit face to face at the same negotiating table with these groups? President Assad: First of all, regarding the flag, it is meaningless without the people it represents. When we put a flag on a table or anywhere else, we talk about the people represented by that flag. This question can be put to those who raise flags they call Syrian but are different from the official Syrian flag. So, this flag has no value when it does not represent the people. Secondly, we will attend this conference as the official delegation and legitimate representatives of the Syrian people. But, whom do they represent? When the conference is over, we return to Syria, we return home to our people. But when the conference is over, whom do they return to - five-star hotels? Or to the foreign ministries of the states that they represent – which doesn’t include Syria of course - in order to submit their reports? Or do they return to the intelligence services of those countries? So, when we attend this conference, we should know very clearly the positions of some of those sitting at the table - and I say some because the conference format is not clear yet and as such we do not have details as to how the patriotic Syrian opposition will be considered or the other opposition parties in Syria. As for the opposition groups abroad and their flag, we know that we are attending the conference not to negotiate with them, but rather with the states that back them; it will appear as though we are negotiating with the slaves, but essentially we are negotiating with their masters. This is the truth, we shouldn’t deceive ourselves. Al-Manar: Are you, in the Syrian leadership, convinced that these negotiations will be held next month? President Assad: We expect them to happen, unless they are obstructed by other states. As far as we are concerned in Syria, we have announced a couple of days ago that we agree in principle to attend. Al-Manar: When you say in principle, it seems that you are considering other options. President Assad: In principle, we are in favour of the conference as a notion, but there are no details yet. For example, will there be conditions placed before the conference? If so, these conditions may be unacceptable and we would not attend. So the idea of the conference, of a meeting, in principle is a good one. We will have to wait and see. Al-Manar: Let’s talk, Mr. President, about the conditions put by the Syrian leadership. What are Syria’s conditions? President Assad: Simply put, our only condition is that anything agreed upon in any meeting inside or outside the country, including the conference, is subject to the approval of the Syrian people through a popular referendum. This is the only condition. Anything else doesn’t have any value. That is why we are comfortable with going to the conference. We have no complexes. Either side can propose anything, but nothing can be implemented without the approval of the Syrian people. And as long as we are the legitimate representatives of the people, we have nothing to fear. Al-Manar: Let’s be clear, Mr. President. There is a lot of ambiguity in Geneva 1 and Geneva 2 about the transitional period and the role of President Bashar al-Assad in that transitional period. Are you prepared to hand over all your authorities to this transitional government? And how do you understand this ambiguous term? President Assad: This is what I made clear in the initiative I proposed in January this year. They say they want a transitional government in which the president has no role. In Syria we have a presidential system, where the President is head of the republic and the Prime Minister heads the government. They want a government with broad authorities. The Syrian constitution gives the government full authorities. The president is the commander-in-chief of the Army and Armed Forces and the head of the Supreme Judicial Council. All the other institutions report directly to the government. Changing the authorities of the president is subject to changing the constitution; the president cannot just relinquish his authorities, he doesn\'t have the constitutional right. Changing the constitution requires a popular referendum. When they want to propose such issues, they might be discussed in the conference, and when we agree on something - if we agree, we return home and put it to a popular referendum and then move on. But for them to ask for the amendment of the constitution in advance, this cannot be done neither by the president nor by the government. Al-Manar: Frankly, Mr. President, all the international positions taken against you and all your political opponents said that they don’t want a role for al-Assad in Syria’s future. This is what the Saudi foreign minister Saud al-Faisal said and this is what the Turks and the Qataris said, and also the Syrian opposition. Will President Assad be nominated for the forthcoming presidential elections in 2014? President Assad: What I know is that Saud al-Faisal is a specialist in American affairs, I don’t know if he knows anything about Syrian affairs. If he wants to learn, that’s fine! As to the desires of others, I repeat what I have said earlier: the only desires relevant are those of the Syrian people. With regards to the nomination, some parties have said that it is preferable that the president shouldn’t be nominated for the 2014 elections. This issue will be determined closer to the time; it is still too early to discuss this. When the time comes, and I feel, through my meetings and interactions with the Syrian people, that there is a need and public desire for me to nominate myself, I will not hesitate. However, if I feel that the Syrian people do not want me to lead them, then naturally I will not put myself forward. They are wasting their time on such talk. Al-Manar: Mr. President, you mentioned the Saudi foreign minister Saud al-Faisal. This makes me ask about Syria’s relationship with Saudi Arabia, with Qatar, with Turkey, particularly if we take into account that their recent position in the Arab ministerial committee was relatively moderate. They did not directly and publically call for the ouster of President Assad. Do you feel any change or any support on the part of these countries for a political solution to the Syrian crisis? And is Syria prepared to deal once more with the Arab League, taking into account that the Syrian government asked for an apology from the Arab League? President Assad: Concerning the Arab states, we see brief changes in their rhetoric but not in their actions. The countries that support the terrorists have not changed; they are still supporting terrorism to the same extent. Turkey also has not made any positive steps. As for Qatar, their role is also the same, the role of the funder - the bank funding the terrorists and supporting them through Turkey. So, overall, no change. As for the Arab League, in Syria we have never pinned our hopes on the Arab League. Even in the past decades, we were barely able to dismantle the mines set for us in the different meetings, whether in the summits or in meetings of the foreign ministers. So in light of this and its recent actions, can we really expect it to play a role? We are open to everybody, we never close our doors. But we should also be realistic and face the truth that they are unable to offer anything, particularly since a significant number of the Arab states are not independent. They receive their orders from the outside. Some of them are sympathetic to us in their hearts, but they cannot act on their feelings because they are not in possession of their decisions. So, no, we do not pin any hopes on the Arab League. Al-Manar: Mr. President, this leads us to ask: if the Arab environment is as such, and taking into account the developments on the ground and the steadfastness, the Geneva conference and the negotiations, the basic question is: what if the political negotiations fail? What are the consequences of the failure of political negotiations? President Assad: This is quite possible, because there are states that are obstructing the meeting in principle, and they are going only to avoid embarrassment. They are opposed to any dialogue whether inside or outside Syria. Even the Russians, in several statements, have dampened expectations from this conference. But we should also be accurate in defining this dialogue, particularly in relation to what is happening on the ground. Most of the factions engaged in talking about what is happening in Syria have no influence on the ground; they don’t even have direct relationships with the terrorists. In some instances these terrorists are directly linked with the states that are backing them, in other cases, they are mere gangs paid to carry out terrorist activities. So, the failure of the conference will not significantly change the reality inside Syria, because these states will not stop supporting the terrorists - conference or no conference, and the gangs will not stop their subversive activities. So it has no impact on them. Al-Manar: Mr. President, the events in Syria are spilling over to neighboring countries. We see what’s happening in Iraq, the explosions in Al-Rihaniye in Turkey and also in Lebanon. In Ersal, Tripoli, Hezbollah taking part in the fighting in Al-Qseir. How does Syria approach the situation in Lebanon, and do you think the Lebanese policy of dissociation is still applied or accepted? President Assad: Let me pose some questions based on the reality in Syria and in Lebanon about the policy of dissociation in order not to be accused of making a value judgment on whether this policy is right or wrong. Let’s start with some simple questions: Has Lebanon been able to prevent Lebanese interference in Syria? Has it been able to prevent the smuggling of terrorists or weapons into Syria or providing a safe haven for them in Lebanon? It hasn’t; in fact, everyone knows that Lebanon has contributed negatively to the Syrian crisis. Most recently, has Lebanon been able to protect itself against the consequences of the Syrian crisis, most markedly in Tripoli and the missiles that have been falling over different areas of Beirut or its surroundings? It hasn’t. So what kind of dissociation are we talking about? For Lebanon to dissociate itself from the crisis is one thing, and for the government to dissociate itself is another. When the government dissociates itself from a certain issue that affects the interests of the Lebanese people, it is in fact dissociating itself from the Lebanese citizens. I’m not criticizing the Lebanese government - I’m talking about general principles. I don’t want it to be said that I’m criticizing this government. If the Syrian government were to dissociate itself from issues that are of concern to the Syrian people, it would also fail. So in response to your question with regards to Lebanon’s policy of dissociation, we don’t believe this is realistically possible. When my neighbor’s house is on fire, I cannot say that it’s none of my business because sooner or later the fire will spread to my house. Al-Manar: Mr. President, what would you say to the supporters of the axis of resistance? We are celebrating the anniversary of the victory of the resistance and the liberation of south Lebanon, in an atmosphere of promises of victory, which Mr. Hasan Nasrallah has talked about. You are saying with great confidence that you will emerge triumphant from this crisis. What would you say to all this audience? Are we about to reach the end of this dark tunnel? President Assad: I believe that the greatest victory achieved by the Arab resistance movements in the past years and decades is primarily an intellectual victory. This resistance wouldn’t have been able to succeed militarily if they hadn’t been able to succeed and stand fast against a campaign aimed at distorting concepts and principles in this region. Before the civil war in Lebanon, some people used to say that Lebanon’s strength lies in its weakness; this is similar to saying that a man’s intelligence lies in his stupidity, or that honor is maintained through corruption. This is an illogical contradiction. The victories of the resistance at different junctures proved that this concept is not true, and it showed that Lebanon’s weakness lies in its weakness and Lebanon’s strength lies in its strength. Lebanon’s strength is in its resistance and these resistance fighters you referred to. Today, more than ever before, we are in need of these ideas, of this mindset, of this steadfastness and of these actions carried out by the resistance fighters. The events in the Arab world during the past years have distorted concepts to the extent that some Arabs have forgotten that the real enemy is still Israel and have instead created internal, sectarian, regional or national enemies. Today we pin our hopes on these resistance fighters to remind the Arab people, through their achievements, that our enemy is still the same. As for my confidence in victory, if we weren’t so confident we wouldn’t have been able to stand fast or to continue this battle after two years of a global attack. This is not a tripartite attack like the one in 1956; it is in fact a global war waged against Syria and the resistance. We have absolute confidence in our victory, and I assure them that Syria will always remain, even more so than before, supportive of the resistance and resistance fighters everywhere in the Arab world. Al-Manar: In conclusion, it has been my great honor to conduct this interview with Your Excellency, President Bashar al-Assad of the Syrian Arab Republic. Thank you very much. President Assad: You are welcome. I would like to congratulate Al-Manar channel, the channel of resistance, on the anniversary of the liberation and to congratulate the Lebanese people and every resistance fighter in Lebanon. Al-Manar: Thank you.

[02 Sep 2014] Egypt government to amend controversial protest law - English

[15 Feb 2015] NY rally condemns anti-Islamic bias in US media - English

Neither in Egypt, nor in Tunisia were women assaulted during the uprisings that took place, even though many women participated and were active members in the revolutions and uprisings. As for Bahrain, the Arab Gulf country which should respect the religion, dignity, culture of its women, put many of these in prison. Hence, Ayatollah Sheikh Issa Ahmad Qassem called for a campaign in solidarity with Bahraini female prisoners for the following aims: 1- Draw international attention to the oppression the Bahraini people are subject to, particularly women. 2- Morally support the Bahraini oppressed people. 3- Defining the legitimate demands of the people most important of which is a constitutional kingdom and elected government. 4- Mobilizing international rights organizations towards the blatant violations of women's rights in Bahrain. 5- Mobilizing the international public opinion and international women's organizations concerned about prisoners of "expressing opinion". In the same context, the Bahraini Opposition overseas issued a statement in which it said "In response to the multiple methods the Bahraini authority resorts to in order to repress the people and the popular protests in demand of their rights, the people and the opposition insist to continue their peaceful protests despite all the aggression practiced against them." Particularly speaking about women, the Bahraini Opposition overseas added in its statement that alongside men, the women in Bahrain have stood up to the government demanding their rights, having in return to bear imprisonment, torture, and martyrdom at times. The statement further noted that despite all this aggression, the Bahraini free women are still steadfast and unyielding. The Bahraini Opposition overseas, therefore "called on the women of the Arab Nation as well as the World, to stand in defense of the Bahraini oppressed women, by that declaring the 15tho f April a day of solidarity with the women of Bahrain under the slogan "Free Women of Bahrain"." Also, the Opposition urged all women's rights organizations in its statement , whether Arab, Islamic, or international to declare a clear rejection of what the women in Bahrain is subject to, which falls into the category of the these organizations' legal, ethical, and humanitarian duties. "Save the women of Bahrain...Save the free women in prisons", concluded the statement. http://www.english.moqawama.org/essaydetails.php?eid=13903&cid=215

Message of Thaqalayn \"Al-Ghadir\" and its Relevance to Islamic Unity ________________________________________ Ayatullah Murtaza Mutahhari Translated by Mojgan Jalali Vol. 3, No. 1 and 2 (1417 AH/1996 CE) The distinguished book entitled \"al-Ghadir\" has raised a huge wave in the world of Islam. Islamic thinkers shed light on the book in different perspectives; in literature, history, theology, tradition, tafsir, and sociology. From the social perspective we can deal with the Islamic unity. In this review the Islamic unity has been dealt with from a social point of view. Contemporary Muslim thinkers and reformists are of the view that unity and solidarity of Muslims are the most imperative Islamic exigencies at the present juncture when the enemies have made extensive inroads upon the Islamic community and have tried to resort to different ways and means to spread the old differences and create new ones. We are aware that Islamic unity and fraternity is the focus of attention of the Holy Legislator of Islam and is actually the major objective pursued by this Divine religion as firmed by the Qur\'an, the \"Sunnah\", and the history of Islam. For this reason, some people have been faced with this question: Wouldn\'t the compilation and publication of a book such as \"al-Ghadir\" which deals with the oldest issue of differences among the Muslims- create a barrier in the way of the sublime and lofty objective of the Islamic unity? To answer this question, it is necessary first to elucidate the essence of this issue, that is, the Islamic unity, and then proceed to examine the role of the magnum opus entitled \"al-Ghadir\"and its eminent compiler \'Allamah Amini in bringing about Islamic unity. Islamic Unity What is meant by the Islamic unity? Does it mean that one Islamic school of thought should be unanimously followed and others be set aside? Or does it mean that the commonalties of all Islamic schools of thought should be taken up and their differences be put away to make up a new denomination which is not completely the same as the previous ones? Or does it mean that Islamic unity is in no way related to the unity of the different schools of Fiqh (jurisprudence) but signifies the unity of the Muslims and the unity of the followers of different schools of Fiqh, with their different religious ideas and views, vis-a-vis the aliens? To give an illogical and impractical meaning to the issue of the Islamic unity, the opponents of the issue have called it to be the formation of a single Madhhab, so as to defeat it in the very first step. Without doubt, by the term Islamic unity, the intellectual Islamic \'Ulama\' (scholars) do not mean that all denominations should give in to one denomination or that the commonalties should be taken up and the different views and ideas be set aside, as these are neither rational and logical nor favorable and practical. By the Islamic unity these scholars mean that all Muslims should unite in one line against their common enemies. These scholars slate that Muslims have many things in common, which can serve as the foundations of a firm unity. All Muslims worship the One Almighty and believe in the Prophethood of the Holy Prophet (s). The Qur\'an is the Book of all Muslims and Ka\'abah is their \"qiblah\" (direction of prayer). They go to\"hajj\" pilgrimage with each other and perform the \"hajj\" rites and rituals like one another. They say the daily prayers and fast like each other. They establish families and engage in transactions like one another. They have similar ways of bringing up their children and burying their dead. Apart from minor affairs, they share similarities in all the aforementioned cases. Muslims also share one kind of world view, one common culture, and one grand, glorious, and long-standing civilization. Unity in the world view, in culture, in the civilization, in insight and disposition, in religious beliefs, in acts of worship and prayers, in social rites and customs can well turn the Muslim into a unified nation to serve as a massive and dominant power before which the big global powers would have to bow down. This is especially true in view of the stress laid by Islam on this principle. According to the explicit wording of the Qur\'an, the Muslims are brothers, and special rights and duties link them together. So, why shouldn\'t the Muslims use all these extensive facilities accorded to them as the blessing of Islam? This group of \'Ulama\' are of the view that there is no need for the Muslims to make any compromise on the primary or secondary principles of their religion for the sake of Islamic unity. Also it is not necessary for the Muslims to avoid engaging in discussions and reasons and writing books on primary and secondary principles about which they have differences. The only consideration for Islamic unity in this case is that the Muslims- in order to avoid the emergence or accentuation of vengeance - preserve their possession, avoid insulting and accusing each other and uttering fabrications, abandon ridiculing the logic of one another, and finally abstain from hurting one another and going beyond the borders of logic and reasoning. In fact, they should, at least, observe the limits which Islam has set forth for inviting non-Muslims to embrace it: \"Call to the way of your Lord with wisdom and good exhortation, and have disputations with them in the best manner... \"(16: 125) Some people are of the view that those schools of fiqh, such as, Shafi\'i and Hanafi which have no differences in principle should establish brotherhood and stand in one line. They believe that denominations which have differences in the principles can in no way be brothers. This group view the religious principles as an interconnected set as termed by scholars of Usul, as an interrelated and interdependent set; any damage to one principle harms all principles. As a result, those who believe in this principle are of the view that when, for instance, the principle of \"imamah\" is damaged and victimized, unity and fraternity will bear no meaning and for this reason the Shi\'ah and the Sunnis cannot shake hands as two Muslim brothers and be in the same rank, no matter who their enemy is. The first group answers this group by saying: \"There is no reason for us to consider the principles as an interrelated set and follow the principle of \"all or none\". Imam \'Ali (\'a) chose a very logical and reasonable approach. He left no stone unturned to retrieve his right. He used everything within his power to restore the principle of \"imamah\", but he never adhered to the motto of \"all or none\". \'Ali (\'a) did not rise up for his right, and that was not compulsory. On the contrary, it was a calculated and chosen approach. He did not fear death. Why didn\'t he rise up? There could have been nothing above martyrdom. Being killed for the cause of the Almighty was his ultimate desire. He was more intimate with martyrdom than a child is with his mother\'s breast. But in his sound calculations, Imam \'All (\'a) had reached the conclusion that under the existing conditions it was to the interest of Islam to foster collaboration and cooperation among the Muslims and give up revolt. He repeatedly stressed this point. In one of his letters (No.62 \"Nahj al Balaghah\") to Malik al-Ashtar, he wrote the following: \"First I pulled back my hand until I realized that a group of people converted from Islam and invited the people toward annihilating the religion of Muhammad(s). So I feared that if I did not rush to help Islam and the Muslims, I would see gaps or destruction which calamity would be far worse than the several-day-long demise of caliphate.\" In the six-man council, after appointment of \'Uthman by \'Abdul-Rahman ibn \'Awf, \'Ali (\'a) set forth his objection as well as his readiness for collaboration as follows:\" You well know that I am more deserving than others for caliphate. But now by Allah, so long as the affairs of the Muslims are in order and my rivals suffice with setting me aside and only I am alone subjected to oppression, I will not oppose (the move) and will give in (to it).\" (From Sermon 72, \"Nahj al- Balaghah\"). These indicate that in this issue \'Ali (\'a) condemned the principle of \"all or none\". There is no need to further elaborate the approach taken by \'Ali (\'a) toward this issue. There are ample historical proofs and reasons in this regard. \'Allamah Amini Now it is time to see to which group the eminent \'Allamah, Ayatullah Amini - the distinguished compiler of the \"al-Ghadir\" - belonged and how he thought. Did he approve of the unity of the Muslims only within the light of Shi\'ism? Or did he consider Islamic fraternity to be broader? Did he believe that Islam which is embraced by uttering the \"shahadatayn\" (the Muslim creed) would willy-nilly create some rights for the Muslims and that the brotherhood and fraternity set forth in the Qur\'an exists among all Muslims? \'Allamah Amini personally considered this point - i.e. the need to elucidate his viewpoint on this subject and elaborate whether\"al-Ghadir\" has a positive or a negative role in (the establishment of) Islamic unity. In order not to be subject to abuse by his opponent - be they among the pros and cons - he has repeatedly explained and elucidated his views. \'Allamah Amini supported Islamic unity and viewed an open mind and clear insight. On different occasions, he set forth this matter in various volumes of the \"al-Ghadir\'. Reference will be made to some of them below: In the preface to volume I, he briefly mentions the role of \"al-Ghadir\" in the world of Islam. He states: \"And we consider all this as service to religion, sublimation of the word of the truth, and restoration of the Islamic \'ummah\' (community).\" In volume 3 (page 77), after quoting the fabrications of Ibn Taymiyah, Alusi, and Qasimi to the effect that Shi \'ism is hostile to some of the Ahl al-Bayt (the Household of the Prophet) such as Zayd bin \'Ali bin al-Huseyn, he notes the following under the title of \"Criticism and Correction\": \"These fabrications and accusations sow the seeds of corruption, stir hostilities among the \'ummah\',create discord among the Islamic community, divide the \'ummah\', and clash with the public interests of the Muslims. Again in volume 3 (page 268), he quotes the accusation leveled on the Shi\'ahs by Sayyid Muhammad Rashid Rida to the effect that \"Shi\'ahs are pleased with any defeat incurred by Muslims, so much as they celebrated the victory of the Russians over the Muslims.\" Then he says: \"These falsehoods are fabricated by persons like Sayyid Muhammad Rashid Rida. The Shi\'ahs of Iran and Iraq against whom this accusation is leveled, as well as the orientalists, tourists, envoys of Islamic countries, and those who traveled and still travel to Iran and Iraq, have no information about this trend. Shi\'ahs, without exception, respect the lives, blood, reputation, and property of the Muslims be they Shi\'ahs or Sunnis. Whenever a calamity has befallen the Islamic community anywhere, in any region, and for any sects, the Shi\'ahs have shared their sorrow. The Shi\'ahs have never been confined to the Shi\'ah world, the (concept of) Islamic brotherhood which has been set forth in the Qur\'an and the \'sunnah\'(the Prophet\'s sayings and actions), and in this respect, no discrimination has been made between the Shi\'ahs and the Sunnis.\" Also at the close of volume 3, he criticizes several books penned by the ancients such as \"Iqd al-Farid\" by Ibn Abd al-Rabbih, \"al-Intisar\" by Abu al-Husayn Khayyat al-Mu\'tazili,\"al Farq bayn al-Firaq\" by Abu Mansur al-Baghdadi, \"al-Fasl\" by Ibn Hazm al-Andulusi, \"al-Milal wa al-Nihal\" by Muhammad ibn Abdul-Karim al-Shahristani \"Minhaj al-Sunnah\" by Ibn Taymiah and \"al-Bidayah wa al-Nihayah\"by Ibn Kathir and several by the later writers such as \"Tarikh al-Umam al-Islamiyyah\" by Shaykh Muhammad Khizri, \"Fajr al Islam\" by Ahmad Amin, \"al-Jawlat fi Rubu al-Sharq al-Adna\" by Muhammad Thabit al-Mesri, \"al-Sira Bayn al-Islam wa al-Wathaniyah\" by Qasimi, and \"al- Washi\'ah\" by Musa Jarallah. Then he states the following: \"By quoting and criticizing these books, we aim at warning and awakening the Islamic \'ummah\' (to the fact) that these books create the greatest danger for the Islamic community, they destabilize the Islamic unity and scatter the Muslim lines. In fact nothing can disrupt the ranks of the Muslims, destroy their unity, and tear their Islamic fraternity more severely than these books.\" \'Allamah Amini, in the preface to volume 5, under title of\"Nazariyah Karimah\" on the occasion of a plaque of honor forwarded from Egypt for \"al-Ghadir\", clearly sets forth his view on this issue and leaves no room for any doubt. He remarks: \"People are free to express views and ideas on religion. These (views and ideas) will never tear apart the bond of Islamic brotherhood to which the holy Qur\'an has referred by stating that \'surely the believers are brethren\'; even though academic discussion and theological and religious debates reach a peak. This has been the style of the predecessors, and of the \'sahaba\' and the\'tabi\'un\', at the head of them. \"Notwithstanding all the differences that we have in the primary and secondary principles, we, the compilers and writers in nooks and corners of the world of Islam, share a common point and that is belief in the Almighty and His Prophet. A single spirit and one (form of) sentiment exists in all our bodies, and that is the spirit of Islam and the term\'ikhlas,\" \"We, the Muslim compilers, all live under the banner of truth and carry out our duties under the guidance of the Qur\'an and the Prophetic Mission of the Holy Prophet (s). The message of all of us is \'Surely the (true) religion with Allah is Islam ... (3:18)\' and the slogan of all of us is \'There is no god but Allah and Muhammad is His Messenger.\' Indeed, we are (the members of) the party of Allah and the supporters of his religion. In the preface to volume 8, under the title of \"al-Ghadir Yowahhad al-Sufuf fil-Mila al-Islami\", \'Allamah Amini directly makes researches into the role of \"Al- Ghadir\" in (the establishment of) Islamic unity. In this discussion, this great scholar categorically rejects the accusations leveled by those who said: \'Al-Ghadir\' causes greater discord among the Muslims. He proves that, on the contrary, \"Al-Ghadir\"removes many misunderstandings and brings the Muslims closer to one another. Then he brings evidence by mentioning the confessions of the non-Shi\'i Islamic scholars. At the close, he quotes the letter of Shaykh Muhammad Saeed Dahduh written in this connection. To avoid prolongation of this article, we will not quote and translate the entire statements of \'Allamah Amini in explaining the positive role of \"al-Ghadir\" in (establishing) Islamic unity, since what has already been mentioned sufficiently proves this fact. The positive role of \"al-Ghadir\" is established by the facts that it firstly clarifies the proven logic of the Shi\'ahs and proves that the inclination of Muslims to Shi\'ism - notwithstanding the poisonous publicity of some people - is not due to political, ethnic, or other trends and considerations. It also verifies that a powerful logic based on the Qur\'an and the \"sunnah\" has given rise to this tendency. Secondly, it reflects that some accusations leveled on Shi\'ism - which have made other Muslims distanced from the Shi\'ah- are totally baseless and false. Examples of these accusations are the notion that the Shi\'ites prefer the non-Muslims to the non- Shi\'i Muslims, rejoice at the defeat of non-Shi\'ite Muslims at the hands of non-Muslims, and other accusations such as the idea that instead of going to hajj pilgrimage, the Shi\'ahs go on pilgrimage to shrines of the Imams, or have particular rites in prayers and in temporary marriage. Thirdly, it introduces to the world of Islam the eminent Commander of the faithful \'Ali (\'a) who is the most oppressed and the least praised grand Islamic personality and who could be the leader of all Muslims, as well as his pure offspring. Other Comments on \"al-Ghadir\" Many unbiased non-Shia Muslims interpret the \"al-Ghadir\" in the same way that has already been mentioned. Muhammad Abdul-Ghani Hasan al-Mesri, in his foreword on\"al-Ghadir\", which has been published in the preface to volume I, second edition, states: \"I call on the Almighty to make your limpid brook (in Arabic, \'Ghadir\' means brook) the cause of peace and cordiality between the Shia and Sunni brothers to cooperate with one another in building the Islamic \"ummah.\" \'Adil Ghadban, the managing editor of the Egyptian magazine entitled \"al-Kitab\", said the following in the preface to volume 3: \"This book clarifies the Shi\'ite logic. The Sunnis can correctly learn about the Shi\'i through this book. Correct recognition of the Shi\'ahs brings the views of the Shi\'ahs and the Sunnis closer, and they can make a unified rank\". In his foreword to the \"al-Ghadir\" which was published in thepreface to volume 4, Dr. Muhammad Ghallab, professor of philosophy at the Faculty of Religious Studies al-Azhar University said: \"I got hold of your book at a very opportune time, because right now I am busy collecting and compiling a book on the lives of the Muslims from various perspectives. Therefore, I am highly avidfor obtaining sound information about \'Imamiyah\' Shi\'ism. Your book will help me. And I will not make mistakes about the Shi\'ahs as others have\". In this foreword published in the preface to volume 4 of the\"al-Ghadir\", Dr. \'Abdul-Rahman Kiali Halabi says the following after referring to the decline of the Muslims in the present age and the factors which can lead to the Muslims\' salvation, one of which is the sound recognition of the successor of the Holy Prophet (s): \"The book entitled \"al-Ghadir\" and its rich content deserves to be known by every Muslim to learn how historians have been negligent and see where the truth lies. Through this means, we should compensate for the past, and by striving to foster the unity of the Muslims, we should try to gain the due rewards\". These were the views of \'Allamah Amini about the important social issues of our age and such were his sound reflections in the world of Islam. Peace be upon him. Text Source: http://www.al-islam.org/mot/default.asp?url=ghadir-relevance.htm

kazim karbalai kazim karbalai Miracle of Quran - An Illiterate Person Became Hafiz e Quran in one night iran pule ahanchi ulmas ayatullah and mujtehdeen examined and witnessed http://moejezeasr.blogfa.com/ Re revelation of the Quran ( Miracle of the Quran ) Kazem Karbalai Saruqi village in the central province of functions, in the year 1275 Hijri was born in a poor family and religion. The family\\\\\\\'s main occupation was agriculture. But due to lack of personal property he had to work in the fields of others In that year he worked day after day, in passing through the village shrine between sleep and waking, Alshhvdy is subject to discovery. During which a whole section on the Holy Quran. Leaders have sought to verify this. After testing, it\\\\\\\'s wonderful to be acknowledged. The documents are available to them. Kazim Quran could be read from the ends first. If someone deliberately sang a verse that was wrong. Became blind later in life. The rest of the land was in 1336 Hijri New Qom was buried in the cemetery Here is sarogh an ancient city. The great and faithful men like Karbalaey kazem saroghy lived in this terriorty. Professor Jafar Sobhany says: In 1333 (A.H) it is said that aman who was 50 years old and illitrate could read qoran by heart and show the place of any verse in it but he couldn’t read any book or papper .karbalaek kazem saroghy said that he was learned it in a dream in fact, Qoran was inspired to him. karbalaek kazem saroghy ‘s old son say: my father said that I was in shrine then two seyyed came there and learned me some thing that I didn’t know what is it: but I know it was Arabic. We went to see Mr sabery araky chaplam of the place Mr sabery araky asked him some questions. He understood that karbalaek kazem saroghy was illiterate. So he declared that it was a miracle and God give him the blessing. Aiatollah Makarem Shirazi says: I wanted to know the cause of giving him the blessing. After studing, I understood that he was a farmer who followed religious laws like lawful, unlawful activities and pay a thithe of his wealth. He went to Qom in 6 th of Moharam and died in 9 th of it نزول مجدد غیبی قرآن بعد بیش از حدود 1300 سال از پیامبری حضرت محمد مصطفی (ص) بر کربلایی محمد کاظم کریمی (ساروقی) ۱- موید حقانیت وجود خداوند، عالم غیب و رسالت نبی اسلام حضرت محمد (ص) ۲- موید حقانیت و همچنین کم و زیاد نشدن قرآن مجید (حتی به قدر و اندازه یک کلمه) ۳- موید حقانیت، روی دادن و آمدن هر آنچه که در قرآن مجید آمده است از قبیل آمدن روز قیامت و برانگیخته شدن مردگان و محاسبه ذره ذره اعمال افراد، ابدیت،عذاب و سختی جهنم، عظمت و ابدیت بهشت و ... ین حادثه و معجزه عظیم دارای ویژگی هایی به قرار ذیل می باشد 1- این اتفاق و رخ داد در مورد قرآن و نزول مجدد آن از عالم غیب و از جانب خداوند حکیم می باشد. تایید این رخ داد در حقیقت تایید وجود خداوند، عالم غیب، حقانیت رسالت نبی مکرم اسلام حضرت محمد مصطفی (ص)، حقانیت تحریف نشدن قرآن و .... بوده و می باشد که نیاز حیاتی و داروی درمان دردهای نسل امروز بشر می باشد. 2- در حقانیت رخ داده شدن این حادثه حتی ذره ای تردید وجود ندارد به صورتی که در طول 38 سال در ایران و چند کشور خارجی چه علماء و مراجع شیعه و سنی و ما بقی مردم اجتماع او را مورد امتحان قرار دادند و بر حقانیت و راستی رخ داده شدن این معجزه بزرگ تایید نمودند و شهادت دادند و حداقل این را برای حقانیت این اتفاق می توان گفت که علماء و مراجع تقلید افرادی نیستند که این تایید جمعی آنها را بتوان زیر سوال برد و منکر شد و اسناد ویدیویی و مکتوب آن در دست می باشد. ۳- تسلط و توانایی کربلایی محمد کاظم کریمی بر قرآن آموختنی نبود که فردی بتواند این ادعا را بنماید که او این تسلط را با تلاش و یا نبوغ خود آموخته و به دست آورده است. ۴- این اتفاق در زمانه ما و در عصر ما رخ داده است و مربوط به زمانهای گذشته و خیلی دور نمی باشد. اسنادی در ارتباط با این معجزه را با عناوین ذیل، ی توانید از این پایگاه اینترنتی، دریافت و دانلود نمایید: 1- فیلم ساخته شده بر اساس داستان حقیقی زندگی محمد کاظم کریمی ( ساروقی ) در چهار قسمت 2- بیانات مرجع عالیقدر، آیت الله مکارم شیرازی (از شاهدان و تصدیق کنندگان رخ دادن این معجزه) 3- فیلم مصاحبه با آیت الله خزعلی، عضو مجلس خبرگان رهبری(از شاهدان و تصدیق کنندگان رخ دادن این معجزه) 4- مصاحبه با فرزند ارشد کربلایی کاظم کریمی (ساروقی) در شبکه تلویزیونی المنار لبنان در دو قسمت 5- مصاحبه با فرزند ارشد کربلایی کاظم کریمی (ساروقی) در دانشگاه آزاد شهر مجلسی در شش قسمت 6- فیلم مصاحبه با دوستان و آشنایان کربلایی محمد کاظم کریمی (ساروقی) در شش قسمت 7- مصاحبه با فرزند ارشد کربلایی کاظم کریمی (ساروقی) در مرکز اسناد آستان قدس رضوی در شش قسمت نوشته شده توسط در تاریخ یکشنبه بیست و دوم اردیبهشت 1392 با موضوع Karbalai Kazem Re revelation of the Quran ( Miracle of the Quran ) Kazem Karbalai Saruqi village in the central province of functions, in the year 1275 Hijri was born in a poor family and religion. The family\\\\\\\'s main occupation was agriculture. But due to lack of personal property he had to work in the fields of others In that year he worked day after day, in passing through the village shrine between sleep and waking, Alshhvdy is subject to discovery. During which a whole section on the Holy Quran. Leaders have sought to verify this. After testing, it\\\\\\\'s wonderful to be acknowledged. The documents are available to them. Kazim Quran could be read from the ends first. If someone deliberately sang a verse that was wrong. Became blind later in life. The rest of the land was in 1336 Hijri New Qom was buried in the cemetery Here is sarogh an ancient city. The great and faithful men like Karbalaey kazem saroghy lived in this terriorty. Professor Jafar Sobhany says: In 1333 (A.H) it is said that aman who was 50 years old and illitrate could read qoran by heart and show the place of any verse in it but he couldn’t read any book or papper .karbalaek kazem saroghy said that he was learned it in a dream in fact, Qoran was inspired to him. karbalaek kazem saroghy ‘s old son say: my father said that I was in shrine then two seyyed came there and learned me some thing that I didn’t know what is it: but I know it was Arabic. We went to see Mr sabery araky chaplam of the place Mr sabery araky asked him some questions. He understood that karbalaek kazem saroghy was illiterate. So he declared that it was a miracle and God give him the blessing. Aiatollah Makarem Shirazi says: I wanted to know the cause of giving him the blessing. After studing, I understood that he was a farmer who followed religious laws like lawful, unlawful activities and pay a thithe of his wealth. He went to Qom in 6 th of Moharam and died in 9 th of it نوشته شده توسط در تاریخ پنجشنبه دهم شهریور 1390 با موضوع توضیحاتی در مورد این معجزه عظیم ( حافظ قرآن شدن کربلایی محمد کاظم کریمی ساروقی در یک لحظه ) داستان زندگی کربلایی کاظم قبل از روی دادن معجزه به صورت غیبی حافظ قرآن شدنش محمد کاظم کریمی ساروقی فرزند عبد الواحد، معروف به کربلایی کاظم در یکی از روستاهای دور افتاده اراک به نام ساروق ، از توابع فراهان اراک، در خانواده‌ای فقیر چشم به جهان گشود و پس از گذراندن ایام کودکی به کار کشاورزی و دامداری پرداخت. وی تقریبا همچون سایر مردم روستا از خواندن و نوشتن محروم بود و بهره‌ای از دانش و علم نداشت و با وجود علاقه به یاد گرفتن خواندن، نوشتن و آموزش قرآن، به علت عدم توانایی مالی پدر به مکتب نرفت و درس نخواند. یک سال، در ماه مبارک رمضان، مبلّغی از سوی آیت‌الله‌العظمی حاج شیخ عبدالکریم حایری به روستای ایشان می‌رود و در منبر و سخنرانی خود از نماز، خمس و زکات می‌گوید و در ضمن تاکید می‌کند که هر مسلمانی حساب سال نداشته باشد و حقوق مالی خویش را ندهد، نماز و روزه‌اش صحیح نیست. کسانی که گندمشان به حد نصاب برسد و زکات و حق فقرا را ندهند، مالشان به حرام مخلوط می‌گردد و اگر با عین پول آن گندم‌های زکات نداده خانه یا لباس تهیه کنند، نماز در آن خانه و با آن لباس باطل است، وی همچنین تاکید می‌کند که مسلمان واقعی باید به احکام الهی و حلال و حرام خداوند توجه کند و زکات مالش را بدهد. محمد کاظم که می‌دانست ارباب و مالک ده، خمس و زکات نمی‌دهد، ابتدا به او تذکر می‌دهد، ولی او اعتنا نمی‌کند، از این رو، تصمیم می‌گیرد روستای خود را ترک کند و برای ارباب ده کار نکند، هر چه خویشان، به خصوص پدرش، بر ماندن وی پا فشاری می‌کنند، او حاضر نمی‌شود در آن روستا بماند و شبانه از ده فرار می‌کند و تقریبا سه سال برای امرار معاش در دهات دیگر به عملگی و خارکنی می‌پردازد، تا با دسترنج حلال گذران عمر کند. دقت شود که تقوای او و رعایت حلال و حرام در او به حدی بود که همسر خود را در روستا می گذارد و چند سال به شهر غربت می رود تا مال حلال به دست بیاورد. یک روز مالک ده از محل او مطلع می‌شود و برای او پیغام می‌فرستد که من توبه کرده‌ام و خمس و زکات مالم را می‌دهم و از تو می‌خواهم که به ده برگردی و نزد پدرت بمانی. او به روستای خود بر می‌گردد و در زمینی که ارباب در اختیار او می‌نهد، مشغول کشاورزی می‌شود و از همان آغاز نیمی از گندمی را که در اختیارش نهاده شده بود، به فقرا می‌بخشد و بقیه را در زمین می‌افشاند. خداوند به زراعت او برکت می‌دهد، به حدی که فزون‌تر از حد معمول برداشت می‌کند. وی به شکرانه برکت یافتن زراعتش تصمیم می‌گیرد هر ساله نیمی از محصولش را بین فقرا تقسیم کند. داستان چگونگی وقوع معجزه به صورت غیبی حافظ قرآن شدن کربلایی کاظم (ره) یک روز در سن 27 سالگی در زمان برداشت محصول، هنگامی که خرمنش را کوبیده بود، منتظر وزیدن باد می‌ماند تا گندم‌ها را باد دهد و کاه را از گندم جدا کند، ولی هر چه منتظر می‌ماند باد نمی‌وزد. نا امیدانه به ده بر می‌گردد، در راه یکی از فقرای روستا او را می‌بیند و می‌گوید: «امسال چیزی از محصولت را به ما ندادی و ما را فراموش کردی». او می‌گوید: «خدا نکند که من فقرا را فراموش کنم! راستش، هنوز نتوانسته‌ام محصولم را جمع کنم». آن فقیر خوشحال به ده بر می‌گردد، اما محمدکاظم دلش آرام نمی‌گیرد و آشفته حال به مزرعه باز می‌گردد و با زحمت زیاد، مقداری گندم را برای او جمع می‌کند و نیز قدری علوفه برای گوسفندانش می‌چیند و آنها را بر می‌دارد و روانه دهکده می‌شود. در راه بازگشت، برای رفع خستگی گندم‌ها و علوفه را در کناری می‌نهد و روی سکوی درِ باغ امامزاده 72 تن، که نزدیک روستا قرار دارد، می‌نشیند. ناگاه می‌بیند که دو سید جوان عرب نورانی و بسیار خوش سیما، نزد او می‌آیند. وقتی به او می‌رسند، می‌گویند: محمدکاظم نمی‌آیی برویم در این امامزاده فاتحه‌ای بخوانیم؟ او تعجب می‌کند که چطور آنها که هرگز او را ندیده‌اند او را به اسم صدا می‌زنند؟ محمدکاظم می‌گوید: «آقا، من قبلاً به زیارت رفته‌ام و اکنون می‌خواهم به خانه برگردم» ولی آنها می‌گویند:« بسیار خوب، این علوفه‌ها را کنار دیوار بگذار و با ما بیا فاتحه‌ای بخوان. بنابراین محمدکاظم به دنبال آنها روانه امامزاده می‌شود» آن دو جوان مشغول خواندن چیزهایی می‌شوند که محمدکاظم نمی‌فهمد و ساکت کناری می‌ایستد، یکی از آن آقایان می گوید که محمد کاظم به نوشته بالا نگاه بکن در این لحظه کربلایی کاظم می بیند که خطی به صورت نور دمیده شد و ناگاه مشاهده می‌کند که در اطراف سقف امامزاده، کلماتی از نور نوشته شده که قبلاً اثری از آن کلمات بر سقف نبود. یکی از آن دو به او می‌گوید:« کربلایی کاظم چرا چیزی نمی‌خوانی؟» او می‌گوید: «من نزد ملا نرفته‌ام و سواد ندارم.» آن سید می‌گوید: «تو باید بخوانی» تاکید می کند که باید بخوانی. سپس نزد محمدکاظم می‌آید و دست بر سینه او می‌گذارد و محکم فشار می‌دهد و می‌گوید: «حالا بخوان. محمدکاظم می‌گوید: «چه بخوانم؟» آن سید می‌گوید: «این طور بخوان: بسم اللهِ الرَّحمَنِ الرَّحِیم. إِنَّ رَبَّکُمُ اللهُ الَّذِی خَلَقَ السَّمَواتِ وَالارضَ فِی سِتَّةِ أیَّامٍ ثُمَّ استَوَی عَلَی العَرشِ یُغشِی اللَّیلَ النَّهَارَ یَطلُبُهُ حَثیثاً وَ الشَّمسَ وَ القَمَرَ وَ النُّجُومَ مُسَخَّراتِ بِأمرِهِ، ألاَ لَهُ الخَلقُ وَ الاَمرُ تَبَارَکَ اللهُ رَبُّ العَالمَیِنَ اعراف/ 54 . محمدکاظم آن آیه و چند آیة بعدی را به همراه آن سید می‌خواند و آن سید همچنان دست به سینة او می‌کشد، تا می‌رسند به آیة 59 که با این کلمات پایان می پذیرد:إنِّی اَخَافُ عَلَیکُم عَذَابَ یَومٍ عَظِیم.اعراف/59 محمدکاظم پس از خواندن آیات، سرش را بر می‌گرداند تا با آن آقا حرفی بزند، اما ناگهان می‌بیند که خودش تنها در داخل حرم ایستاده است و از نوشته‌های روی سقف نیز چیزی بر جای نمانده است. در این موقع ترس و حالت مخصوصی به او دست می‌دهد و بی‌هوش بر زمین می‌افتد. صبح روز بعد که به هوش می‌آید، احساس خستگی شدید می‌کند و چیزی از ماجرا را به یاد نمی‌آورد. وقتی متوجه می‌شود که داخل امامزاده است، خودش را سرزنش می‌کند که چرا دست از کار کشیده‌ای و در امامزاده خوابیده‌ای!؟ بالاخره از جای بر می‌خیزد و از امامزاده خارج می‌شود و با بار علوفه و گندم به سوی ده و منزل حرکت می‌کند. در بین راه متوجه می‌شود که کلمات زیادی بلد است و ناخود آگاه آنها را زمزمه می‌کند و داستان آن دو جوان را به یاد می‌آورد و به خانه که بر می گرددو به خانه که می رسد پدرش به او می گوید که تو دیشب کجا بودی؟ ما همه جا را دنبالت گشتیم. در ادامه کربلایی کاظم می گوید که من دیشب در امامزادا بودم. پدر می گوید که تو چطور در امامزاده شب را گذراندی؟ چطور در امامزاده ای که چراغ ندارد و پر از مار و عقرب و جانور می باشد شب را گذراندی و نترسیدی؟ کربلایی کاظم گفت: دیشب اتفاقی برای من افتاد و دو نفر من را بردند آنجا و چیزی یادم دادند. پدر و مادرش مشکوک می شوند و احتمال می دهند که او جن زده شده باشد. در ادامه او را پیش همان واعظ روحانی ده می برند که ببیند چه اتفاقی برای او افتاده است؟ داستان را برای آن مبلغ روحانی روستا تعریف می کنند. آن روحانی می پرسد که حالا چه چیزی به تو یاد داده اند. کربلایی کاظم شروع می کند به خواندن. در آن موقع آن روحانی می گوید او قرآن می خواند و جن زده نشده است. قرآنی می آورند و هر جای قرآن را که باز می کنند و آیه ای می خوانند، می بینند که کربلایی کاظم قبل و بعدش را می داند و از حفظ می خواند. آنجا روحانی روستا می گوید که به کربلایی کاظم عنایتی شده است. روحانی روستا می گوید که برویم در امامزاده آن خطوطی را که کربلایی کاظم می گوید در سقف امامزاده دیده است ببینیم. وقتی می روند می بینند که نه اثری از خطی است و نوشته ی نورانی . آن نوشته نورانی فقط در آن لحظه وقوع معجزه بر کربلایی کاظم ظاهر شده بود. داستان زندگی کربلایی کاظم پس از رویدادن معجزه نزول مجدد غیبی قرآن بر او تا پایان حیات مبارکش ملای روستا (( شیخ صابر )) شگفت زده این معجزه را تایید می کند و روستائیان، اهمیت این معجزه را تشخیص نداده جز اینکه گفتند محمد کاظم نظر کرده امام زاده ها شده است. این قضیه مهم به مرور زمان در روستا به فراموشی سپرده شد و هرگاه نیز ملای روستا به محمد کاظم می گفته تا به نزد علمای قم رفته و ایشان را مطلع نمایند، جواب میداده :میترسم ریاکاری شود و خداوند این موهبت را از من پس بگیرد . کربلایی محمد کاظم کریمی به مدت 13 سال این اتفاق را مخفی نگاه می دارد تا حدود 40 سالگی خود. تا اینکه روزی در سفر به عتبات عالیات در طول مسیر پس از گرفتن اشتباه قرآنی دو طلبه و پرس و جوی آن دو طلبه از چگونگی این تسلط او بر قرآن، آن ماجرا فاش می شود. در شهر نجف با علمای اعلام مواجه و پس از امتحانات عدیده از او ، بر آنان یققین حاصل گشت که ایشان بدون داشتن سواد ، به امر الهی نه تنها حافظ کل قرآن کریم شده ، بلکه قادر است به تمام سوالات علوم قرآنی پاسخ بدهد و متقابلا علماء خاص و عام پاسخگوی سوالات کربلایی کاظم در مورد قرآن نبودند . بعد از بازگشت از کربلای معلا از سوی آیت الله بروجردی به شهر قم دعوت شد و مورد امتحان آیات عظام قرار گرفت . کربلایی کاظم با هر بار حاضر شدن در جمع علماء و طلاب و با پاسخگویی به سوالات قرآنی ، عام و خاص را متحیر می ساخت. با بلند شدن آوازه کربلایی کاظم ، شهید نواب صفوی به شهر قم آمد و از آنجا به رسم میزبانی ، کربلایی کاظم را با خود به تهران و در تهران از طریق برگزاری جلسات عمومی ، جلسات با علماء ، مصاحبات مطبوعاتی و به موازات از طریق مطبوعات کثیر الانتشار ، کربلایی کاظم معجزه پیش آمده قرآنی را به اطلاع عموم مردم کشور و نیز به اطلاع شخصیت های علمی و فرهنگی جهان اسلام رسانید و در ادامه با سفر به استان خراسان ، سمنان ، نیشابور ، سبزوار ، دامغان ، قوچان و شهر مشهد با استقبال بی نظیری از کربلایی کاظم، مردم و علماء از نزدیک با معجزه بزرگ قرآن آشنا شدند . بعد از افشاء معجزه حافظ و عالم شدن کربلایی کاظم به قرآن کریم در سال 1308 شمسی ، علماء تشیع و تسنن در نجف ، در کویت ، در مصر ، در قم ، در تهران ، خراسان و بسیاری از شهرهای دیگر ایران از کربلایی دعوت به مباحثه می نمودند و روزنامه های کثیر الانتشار مثل روزنامه اطلاعات و روزنامه ندای حق خبر این ملاقات ها و جلسلت را پی در پی انتشار می دادند که عباس غله زاری در تهیه و نشر این گزارشات نقش جدی و عاشقانه ای را ایفا نمود . شهید نواب صفوی او را با خود به تهران برد و روزنامه‌نگاران كیهان، اطلاعات، تهران مصور و خواندنی‌ها را دعوت كرد و با آنها با وی مصاحبه‌ای به عمل آورد و در جرائد آن روز منتشر نمودند. پس چون عازم مشهد مقدس شدند، وی را با خود به مشهد بردند و هنگامی كه در شهرهای سمنان، دامغان، شاهرود، سبزوار و نیشابور مورد استقبال مردم قرار گرفتند، آن شهید بزرگوار، وی را معرفی می‌كردند تا مردم با دیدن این معجزة، دین و ایمانشان تقویت شده، ارادة ایشان در عمل كردن به دستورات دین و مبارزه با طاغوت قوی‌تر گردد. در مشهد به مهدیّة مرحوم حاج آقا عابدزاده وارد می‌شوند و همان روز علما، فرهنگیان و دیگر مردم می‌آیند و از حافظ قرآن دربارة آیات قرآن، سؤال می‌كنند. آیت‌الله سیّد هبةالدین شهرستانی كه مقیم بغداد بودند در سفر به مشهد مقدس، در راه بازگشت در شهر كنگاور با حافظ قرآن برخورد و پس از امتحانات بسیار او را با خود به عراق بردند. علما و حافظان قرآن ـ از شیعه و اهل سنت ـ را جمع و با او تذكره نمودند و همگی ضمن ابراز تعجّب آن را امری عجیب می‌دانستند. در كربلا در منزل آیت‌الله میراز مهدی شیرازی، حضرات آیات آیت‌الله حاج سیّد ابوالقاسم خویی و حاج سیّد هادی میلانی و دیگران اجتماع و هر سؤالی از قرآن از وی‌كردند، بدون تأمل و به صورت دقیق پاسخ می‌گفت. حتی کار به جایی رسید که محمد رضا شاه بعد از اطلاع از این اتفاق از طریق یکی از استانداران و یکی از فرمانداران وقت خود پیامی برای کربلایی محمد کاظم کریمی ساروقی فرستاد مبنی بر اینکه من شنیده ام که فردی به صورت معجزه حافظ قرآن شده است به او بگویید که به دربار ما بییاید تا مسئولیت قرآنی دربار را به او بسپاریم و همیشه اینجا نزد ما باشند. در ادامه کربلایی کاظم به آن فرماندار اینگونه می گوید که پول او بدرد من نمی خورد. بهتر است آن پول را به خواهرش بدهد چون شنیده ام قمار باز خوب و قهاری است تا از آن استفاده بکند. من از مجتهدین و مراجع پول قبول نمی کنم، حال بییایم و از او پول بگیرم. آن هم پولی حرام. چگونگی تسلط کربلایی کاظم بر قرآن (سطح تسلط او بر قرآن قابل یادگیری و آموختنی نبود ) • بازگویی شماره و مکان قرآن با خواندن آیه سریعا و بدون مکث • خواندن قرآن به صورت وارونه از انتها به ابتدا • تشخیص عبارات قرآن در میان کتابهای عربی و فارسی با دستخطهای یکنواخت سریعا • باز کردن قرآن و نشان دادن مکان آیه تقریباً بدون ورق زدن با هر چاپ قرآنی • تشخیص سریع اختلاط کلمات و آیات قرآنی با همدیگر و باز گویی مکان هر کدام • جستجوی عبارتها و کلمات در قرآن و تعداد و مکان تکرار هر کدام بدون هیچ گونه مکثی • بیان کردن تعداد حروف سوره‌ها و اطلاعاتی در مورد تکرار حرفها و... • تشخیص قرآنی بودن یا نبودن نوشته های یکسان افراد با توجه به نیات درونی آنها • اطلاع داشتن در اسرار قرآن و خواص آیات تسلط کربلایی کاظم بر قرآن آموختنی نبود که بتوان معجزه بودن آن را زیر سوال برد و منکر شد و آن سطح تسلط او بر قرآن را ناشی از نبوغ و یا سعی و تلاش بالایش در یادگیری دانست. کربلایی کاظم با وجود بی سواد بودن، به غیر از آنکه قرآن را از ابتدا به انتها حفظ بود و می خواند، می توانست قرآن را از انتها به ابتدا نیز بخواند. بر تمام کلمات و حروف قرآن تسلطی کامل و عجیب داشت و بر تعداد تکرار کلمات و حتی حروف در هر سوره و در کل قرآن آگاه بود.. برای مثال اگر از او پرسیده می شد که کلمه لم چند بار در قرآن تکرار شده است او سریع و بدون مکث تعداد تکرار آن کلمه و مکان های آن در قرآن را ذکر می کرد و همچنین اگر از تعداد تکرار یک حرف برای مثال تعداد تکرار حرف د در هر سوره ای برای مثال سوره بقره از او سوال می شد او سریعا تعداد تکرار آن حرف را در آن سوره مشخص جواب می داد و بعد از بررسی و شمارش مشخص می شد که جواب او کاملا درست بوده است. آیات قرآن برای او نور می داد و در کتب عربی در هر جا که آیه قرآنی آورده شده بود سریعا پس از ورق زدن کتاب آن آیات قرآنی را نشان می داد و چگونگی توانایی خود بر تشخیص آنها را نورانی بودن آیات قرآن بر خلاف متون غیر قرآنی می دانست که کلمات متون غیر قرآنی برای او تیره بودند. اگر آیه قرآنی برای او خوانده می شد و هر قرآنی به دست او داده می شد ( با تعداد برگهای متفاوت و اندازه متفاوت ) او آن قرآن را مانند استخاره کردن باز می کرد و همان صفحه ای را می آورد که آن آیه قرآن در آن صفحه قرار داشت. همچنین اگر کلمه و لغتی عربی که در قرآن مجید آورده شده است برای مثال لغت عربی قل را فردی بر روی کاغذی 2 مرتبه می نوشت، یک بار به نیت قرآنی بودن آن و یک بار به نیت غیر قرآنی بودن( که عرب زبانان در گفتار و نوشتار روزمره خود از آن لغت استفاده می کنند )، اگر آن نوشته به کربلایی کاظم کریمی نشان داده می شد و پرسیده می شد که آیا این نوشته ها قرآن است و یا خیر، کربلایی کاظم قرآنی بودن یکی و قرآنی نبودن دیگری را تشخیص می داد و بیان می کرد، از نویسنده آن دو کلمه ( هر فردی می توانست باشد) سوال که می شد او بر صحت تشخیص کربلایی کاظم تصدیق می نمود که کدام را به نیت قرآنی و کدام را به نیت غیر قرآنی نوشته است. از کربلایی کاظم که چگونگی توانایی اش بر تشخیص قرآنی بودن یکی و غیر قرآنی بودن دیگری را که سوال می نمودند با آنکه کاتب و نویسنده آن دو کلمه، از نیت خود چیزی را بر زبان نیاورده بود، کربلایی کاظم چنین می گفت که آن لغتی که به نیت قرآنی نوشته شده است (برای مثال لغت قل ) در نظر من نورانی است و روشن است و آن لغت قل که به نیت غیر قرآنی نوشته شده است تیره می باشد و نور نمی دهد. حال هر لغتی از قرآن و توسط هر فردی اگر یک بار به نیت قرآنی و یک بار نیز به نیت غیر قرآنی نوشته می شد و بدون آنکه نویسنده آن دو لغت یکسان، از نیت خود چیزی بگوید، قرآنی بودن یکی و غیر قرآنی بودن دیگری را کربلایی کاظم به درستی تشخیص می داد و نویسنده آن لغات صحت گفتار کربلایی کاظم را تصدیق می نمود. محمد کاظم کریمی ( معروف به کربلایی کاظم ) بعد از افشاء معجزه قرآنی تا آخر عمر بنا به دعوت علماء و مردم به کشور عراق ، عربستان ، کویت ، مصر و شهرهای بزرگ ایران سفر میکند و با حضور در صدها جلسه عمومی و خصوصی در برابر جمعیت کثیر و علمای اعلام و نیز طلاب پرسشگر به همه سوالات پاسخ می دهد . مثلاً کسی پرسیده آقای کریمی در قرآن کلمه (( الله )) چند دفعه تکرار شده ؟ او بدون لحظه ای تامل تعدادش را می گفته . سوال کنندگان بعدی بدون فرصت دادن نمونه این سوال را می پرسیدنده اند و ایشان فوری پاسخ میداده است . چند فا ؟ چند الف ؟ چند حیم ؟ چند کاف ؟ چند ؟ چند ؟ تعداد همه را بدون تامل می گفته . حتی تعداد هر کلمه از کلمات قرآن را اگر می پرسیدند اعلام میکرده . آیات قرآن« را نیز از آخر به اول میخوانده . کدام حافظ قرآن قادر است چنین پاسخ هایی را بدهد ؟ کدام حافظ قرآن به خود جرات میداده در مدرسه فیضیه قم ، در مدارس علمیه شهر نجف و در محضر علمای اعلام و در میان خبرنگاران داخلی و خارجی ادعا کند هر سوالی از قرآن دارید بپرسید و پاسخ بگیرید ؟ تسلط او بر قرآن فقط محدود به ظواهر آیات نبود بلکه او بر مکی و مدنی بودن آیات، شان نزول آیات، خواص آیات و ... نیز اطلاع و آگاهی داشت و یکی از گلایه های آن مرحوم در اواخر حیاتشان هم همین مطلب بود که چرا فقط از ظواهر قرآن از او پرسیده شد. تسلط کربلایی کاظم فقط بر قرآن بود و هیچ متن و یا کتاب دیگری را به علت بی سواد بودن نمی توانست بخواند. اقداماتی که تاکنون در جمهوری اسلامی ایران در راستای معرفی این معجزه انجام گرفته است 1- پخش ویژه برنامه ای در مورد این معجزه نزول مجدد غیبی قرآن در ماههای مبارک رمضان، هر سال از شبکه سراسری صدا و سیمای جمهوری اسلامی ایران 2- نوشتن چندین جلد کتاب در مورد این اتفاق برای گروههای سنی مختلف 3- بر پایی کنگره بین المللی کربلایی کاظم کریمی ساروقی با حضور علما و شخصیت های داخلی و خارجی 59 کشور جهان اسلام در مرداد ماه سال 1386 در اراک. 4- ساخت فیلمی بر اساس داستان حقیقی زندگی کربلایی کاظم کریمی ساروقی 5- نشر و معرفی این اتفاق توسط خبرگزاری های مختلف خبری اینترنتی ایرانی 6- انجام مصاحبه های متعدد با فرزند ارشد ذکور کربلایی کاظم کرمی ساروقی در دانشگاهها و ... 7- برپایی نکوداشت های کربلایی کاظم کریمی ساروقی در نقاط مختلف ایران 8- رونمایی از تندیس یادبود کربلایی کاظم ساروقی در شهرستان اراک 9- رو نمایی از تمبر یادبود کربلایی کاظم کریمی ساروقی 10- ثبت در فهرست آثار ملي كشور به عنوان ميراث معنوي استان مركزي و تلاش برای ثبت جهاني اين واقعه مهم . هدف خداوند از بروز این معجزه و استفاده ای که نسل امروز و نسل های بعدی بشریت می توانند از این اتفاق ببرند: ببینید زمانی که چنین معجزه ای در روستای ساروق اتفاق می افتد ، حدود یک هزار و سیصد سال از نزول قرآن« بر پیامبر اکرم گذشته است و دنیای قدیم جای خود را به دنیای نو و دنیای دانش و پیشرفت داده است . قرآن کریم از یک سو اسیر دست کج فهمی و ساده انگاری مسلمانان قرار گرفته ( و قالَ الرَسولُ یا رَبِ اِنَ قوم اتخذوا هذا القرآن مهجورا )) و اختلافات در امت پیامبر اسلام وارد شده است و از سوی دیگر مورد استهزاء در مکاتب ضد دین واقع بوده ... مانند مکتب مارکسیسم و... و میرفت تا قرآن« در انزوای کامل قرار گیرد . اینجا بود که خداوند برای محافظت از قرآن« به میانه آمد : (( انا نحن نزلنا الذکر و انا له لحافظون )) و قرآن را بگونه ای شگفت انگیز برای بار دوم با حذف مسئولیت رسالت ، بر قلب یک انسان شایسته به نام کربلایی کاظم نازل نمود و خداوند این مرد را تا آخر عمر به داخل کشورهای مطرح اسلامی و شهرهای مهم کشور به حرکت در می آورد تا برای مخالفان و ناآگاهان به قرآن روشن شود قرآن حق است و در طول این مدت تا پایان عمر کربلایی کاظم تسلط او بر قرآن حتی به اندازه ذره ای تضعیف نمی گردد و این موهبت از او گرفته نمی شود . سنریهم ایتنا فی الافاق و فی انفسهم حتی یتبین لهم انه الحق ( سوره کهف آیه 52 ) یعنی : بزودی نشانه هایی را برای اثبات حقانیت قرآن نشان میدهیم در عصر حاضر که انسانها در دنیا با انواع انحرافات فکری و اعتقادی روبرو هستند و ناحق خود را گاها جای حق می نشاند و حق، باطل جلوه داده می شود تا جایی که اخیرا قرآن کریم کتاب خداوند عالم در آمریکا سوزانده می شود و یا در کشوری مانند چین با جمعیتی در حدود یک و نیم میلیارد نفری که با افکار کمونیستی از اساس وجود خداوند را منکر می شوند حال چه برسد به حقانیت رسالت نبی مکرم اسلام و خاتم النبیین حضرت محمد مصطفی (ص)، راه درمان چیست؟ یکی از بهترین و موثرترین راههایی که در بیان حقانیت پیامبری پیامبر بزرگ اسلام حضرت محمد(ص) به عنوان پیامبر بر حق و خاتم الهی و کتاب او قرآن به عنوان کتابی الهی و همچنین دست نخورده و تحریف نشده می توان انجام د اد، معرفی درست معجزه حافظ شدن غیر آموختنی قرآن فرد بی سواد، کربلایی محمد کاظم کریمی ساروقی می باشد. حادثه ای که دهان هر انسان حتی لجوجی را می بندد. نوساناتی را که معرفی و نشر این حادثه در ایران در طول تاریخ بعد از وفات کربلایی کاظم به خود دیده است: پس از فوت کربلایی کاظم در سال 1326 و خاکسپاری ایشان در قبرستان نو شهر قم (( روبروی حرم حضرت معصومه ( س) ))، با توجه به زمان طاغوت بودن آن هنگام و سلطنت محمد رضا شاه، سال به سال ماجرای معجزه پیش آمده برای کربلایی کاظم از اذهان عمومی رخت بر بست و تنها علماء و اغلب طلاب علوم دینی می دانستند چنین معجزه ای در ایران رخ داده است . با وقوع انقلاب اسلامی توجه علماء و عوام مردم به طور کامل به مسائل انقلابی و سیاسی معطوف شد و موضوع کربلایی کاظم حتی از بین خواص نیز رخت بربست تا اینکه در سال 1380 شمسی فیلم داستانی کربلایی کاظم با حمایت همه جانبه حجه الاسلام حاج آقا قرائتی به دست آقای عباس مبشری مدیریت تهیه و کارگردانی گردید و در ادامه با انجام مصاحبه های متعدد با فرزند ارشد کربلایی کاظم آقای حاج اسماعیل کریمی ساروقی روحی جدید در کالبد معرفی و توجه به این آیت و معجزه بزرگ تاریخ اسلام یعنی نزول مجدد غیبی قرآن آن هم در زمانه ما، وارد شد و تلاش بر آن است که انشاء الله هر چه زودتر این اتفاق جهانی شده و بندگان خداوند در اقصی نقاط عالم با این اتفاق عظیم آشنا گشته و موجبات هدایت روز افزون و سریعتر بندگان خداوند به آیین پاک و صراط مستقیم اسلام عزیز فراهم آید. انشاء الله الحمد لله رب العالمین نوشته شده توسط در تاریخ پنجشنبه دهم شهریور 1390 با موضوع کربلایی کاظم در بیان علماء و اشخاص علما و شخصیت های اهل تسنن و تشیع که رخ دادن این معجزه را مورد تایید قرار دادند این ماجرا را افراد زیادی پس از دیدن کربلایی کاظم و انجام امتحانات از او در طی 38 سال، تایید نمودند و اسناد آن موجود می باشد که تعداد قابل توجهی از آن اسناد که مربوط به تصدیق علماء گذشته می باشد به صورت مکتوب بوده و تعدادی از این اسناد نیز ویدیویی می باشند (این اتفاق در سن 27 سالگی برای کربلایی کاظم روی داد و پس از 13 سال مخفی نگاه داشتن آن توسط کربلایی کاظم، در سن 40 سالگی فاش شد و تا پایان عمر او در سن 78 سالگی با او همراه بود. کربلایی کاظم در سال 1300 ه.ق برابر با 1257 ه.ش به دنیا آمد و در سال 1379 ه.ق برابر با 1336 ه.ش از دنیا رفت). از جمله علماء و مراجع تقلید عظام گذشته می توان 1- آیت الله العظمی بروجردی،2- امام خمینی، 3- آیت الله امینی صاحب الغدیر، 4- آیت الله مرعشی نجفی، 5- آیت الله میلانی،6- آیت الله حجت کوه کمری، 7- آیت الله خوانساری، 8- آیت الله سید احمد زنجانی، 9- آیت الله دستغیب،10- آیت الله صدر،11- آیت الله فاضل لنکرانی و ... را نام برد. از جمله علماء و مراجع تقلید زنده فعلی که در زمان جوانی خود کربلایی کاظم را از نزدیک دیده اند و مورد امتحان و تصدیق قرار داده اند می توان افراد ذیل را نام برد: 1- رهبر معظم انقلاب آیت الله خامنه ای ۲- آیت الله مکارم شیرازی ۳- آیت الله خزعلی ۴- آیت الله شبیری زنجانی ۵- آیت الله نوری همدانی ۶- آیت الله سبحانی ۷- آیت الله وحید خراسانی ۸- آیت الله مصباح یزدی ۹- آیت الله استادی ۱۰- آیت الله صافی گلپایگانی ۱۱- آیت الله مقتدایی ۱۲- آیت الله محفوظی ۱۳- آیت الله شاه آبادی ۱۴- آیت الله مظاهری ۱۵- آیت الله گرامی ۱۶- آیت الله سیستانی همچنین کربلایی محمد کاظم کریمی به همراه شهید نواب صفوی به کشور مصر رفت و همچنین به کشور عراق، کویت و عربستان سفر نمود و مورد امتحان و تایید مسلمانان اهل سنت نیز قرار گرفت. صدای این معجزه بزرگ تا آنجا اوج گرفت که امیر کویت و دانشگاه الازهر مصر کربلایی کاظم را به کشور کویت و کشور مصر دعوت نمودند و ایشان دعوت آنان را اجابت نمود و به تمام سوالات علماء و دانشمندان این دو کشور پاسخهای حیرت انگیز داد و مورد تایید آنها نیز قرار گرفت. امیر كویت از ایشان دعوت رسمی نمود و پس از رفتن او به كویت، امیر كویت تقاضای اقامت او را نمود تا كاخی را با همة امكانات در اختیار او گذارده تا طلابی كه قرآن را حفظ می‌كنند در نزد او مشغول باشند ولی علمای عراق این امر را صلاح ندانستند و ایشان به عراق و بعد به ایران و قم بازگشت. خلاصه اینکه تمامی علمای تشیع و تسنن اعلام داشتند ، کربلایی کاظم یک فرد عادی نیست ، بلکه معجزه ی بزرگ قرآن کریم است که بعد از پیامبر اکرم ، اینگونه قرآن کریم ، یکجا بر قلب او نازل شده است . بعضا میگویند معجزه بزرگ قرآن در قرن بیستم . اما باید گفت حافظ و عالم شدن محمد کاظم کریمی ساروقی به قرآن کریم در کمتر از چند دقیقه ، بعد از نزول قرآن کریم بر پیامبر اسلام ، بزرگترین معجزه بزرگ قرآن در طول تاریخ اسلام است . آیت الله مرعشی نجفی (ره) در طول یک ماه قرآن موجود را با قرآنی که به کربلایی محمد کاظم کریمی داده شده و القاء شده بود مقایسه نمود و دیدند که در کل قرآن، حتی کلمه ای بین قرآن موجود و قرآنی که کربلایی کاظم می خواند تفاوت وجود ندارد و تنها چند حرکت فتحه، کسره و ضمه تفاوت وجود داشت. در حال حاضر دستونشته هایی از علما در مورد تایید این اتفاق وجود دارد که در زیر به آنها اشاره می گردد. آیت الله بروجردی و کربلایی کاظم در جلسه ای مرحوم آیة الله العظمی بروجردی آیاتی را از حافظ قرآن پرسیدند و او بدون معطلی پاسخ گفت . سپس آیة الله آیه ای تلاوت می کند ، کربلایی کاظم میگوید : آقا ، آیه آنطور که خواندید نیست . آقا می فرماید : من هم اشتباه خواندم ؟ عرض کرد : بلی آقا ، شما مجتهد و مرجع تقلید هستید ، ولی آیه آن گونه که خواندید نیست بلکه این طور است . سپس قرآن آوردند و دیدند که حافظ قرآن درست گفته است . در موارد خلاف بین قراء سبعه ، مرحوم آیة الله بروجردی نظر کربلایی کاظم را جویا می شدند و قرائت او برایشان معتبر و قابل اعتماد بود و در موردی فرمودند : ما سوره حمد را نمی توانیم به قهقرا بخوانیم ، ولی او سوره بقره را می تواند از انتها به اول بخواند. کربلایی کاظم در جلسه ای و در حضور علماء قم به حضرت آیت اله بروجردی میگوید : شما ساعت ها از من سوال کردید در مورد قرآن و من همه را جواب دادم . اکنون من یک سوال می پرسم و شما جواب بدهید . از آقای بروجردی می پرسد :کدام سوره از سوره های قرآن است که خداوند هفت حرف از حروف عربی را در آیاتش نازل نکرده است و آن هفت حرف مربوط به هفت طبقه جهنم می باشد که خداوند از سوره حمد آنها را برداشته است . آیت الله و دیگران که از پاسخ دادن عاجز می مانند از ایشان در خواست می کنند پاسخ سوال را خود بگوید . کربلایی کاظم می گوید : و آن سوره حمد است که همیشه در نماز می خوانید و آن هفت حرف : ( ث ، ج ، خ ، ذ ، ش ، ظ ، ف ) می باشد و تفسیر و علت نازل نشدن این حروف در سوره حمد چنین می گوید که ث از ثبورا می آید که در سوره فرقان قرار دارد و مکان افرادی است که نماز نمی خوانند و در طبقه زیرین جهنم است، ج از جهنم است، خ که از خسران می آید، ذ از ذقوم می آید که خوراک اهل جهنم بوده و در سوره دخان قرار دارد، ش از شیطان می آید، ظ هم از لظا می آید که آتش سوزانی است که در جهنم قرار دارد و به یک لحظه انسان را ذوب می کند، ف از فضع اکبر می آید که در سوره انبیاء قرار دارد که در روز قیامت مردم در فضع اکبر هستند که خداوند با آنها چه می کند؟ - به نقل از روزنامه ندای حق شماره 44 – سال 1344 آیت الله خامنه ای و کربلایی کاظم حضرت آیت الله خامنه ای در دیدار با فرزند کربلایی کاظم در تاریخ 01/03/85 مرحوم کربلایی کاظم را من در حرم حضرت علی بن موسی الرضا (ع) در دیده بودم ، در کنار مناره مسجد گوهر شاد نشسته بود . قرآنش هم دستش بود ، هر کس هر آیه ای را می پرسید با این که اصلا سواد نداشت قرآنش را باز میکرد و با دستش آن آیه را نشان می داد . این را من خودم دیدم و امتحان کردم این سماعی نبود . مرحوم کربلایی کاظم همان کسی است که بیسواد و در جوانی بر اثر یک توسل به امامزادگانی که در ساروق است حافظ قرآن شد ، بنده هم رفتم آن امامزادگان را زیارت کردم ، آن شبستانی که ایشان شب در آنجا بیتوته کردند و در همان جا هم مشرف به حمل قرآن شدند را بنده رفته و دیده ام . آیت الله بروجردی ایشان را امتحان و تایید کرده بودند . موقعی که شهید نواب صفوی، کربلایی محمد کاظم را به مشهد آوردند و در بالای منبر او را به علما معرفی کردند از کربلایی سؤالهایی درباره قرآن و آیات قرآن کردم و حافظ قرآن شدن ایشان را جزو کرامات دیدم آیت الله سید محمد جواد علوی طباطبایی بروجردی و کربلایی کاظم نوه آیت الله العظمی بروجردی مرحوم آقای سید اسماعیل علوی، پسر عموی پدر بنده و برادرزادة حضرت آیت ‌الله بروجردی ـ‌ رحمة ‌الله‌ علیه‌ ـ بود. ایشان رئیس ادارۀ ثبت اراك بودند؛ ازاین ‌رو با مرحوم كربلایی كاظم آشنایی پیدا كردند و بی‌درنگ ایشان را به قم نزد مرحوم پدر ما آوردند و به وسیلۀ ایشان خدمت آیت ‌الله بروجردی رسیدند. مرحوم آیت‌الله بروجردی ذاتاً فرد زود باوری نبودند؛ هر ادعایی را به‌ سادگی نمی ‌پذیرفتند و در این زمینه بسیار دقت می ‌كردند.از آنجا که بنده در آن زمان، مدرسه می ‌رفتم، در نخستین جلسه ‌ای كه کربلایی کاظم را خدمت ایشان آورده بودند، حاضر نبودم. پدر من در همان زمان،‌ داستان آن جلسه را برای برخی از دوستانی كه برای دیدن مرحوم كربلایی كاظم به منزل ما می آمدند، از جمله حضرت امام ـ ‌رحمة‌ا لله ‌علیه‌ـ نقل می كردند. ایشان می‌ فرمودند که مرحوم آیت ‌الله بروجردی در آن جلسه سؤالات مختلفی از کربلایی کاظم پرسیده بودند. خود ایشان حافظ بسیاری از آیات قرآن بودند؛ چنان‌ که پدرم می فرمودند: بیش از یک‌ سوم قرآن را حفظ بودند. ایشان آیه ‌ای را می خواندند و مرحوم كربلایی كاظم ادامۀ آن را تلاوت می‌ کرد؛ همان گونه كه در آن زمان معمول بود. پدرم نقل می كردند که حتی آیت ‌الله بروجردی برخی از آیات را به هم می چسباندند؛ ابتدای یک آیه، بخشی از وسط آیۀ دیگر و انتهای آیۀ دیگری را به هم می‌ چسباندند و به عنوان یک آیه می خواندند. كربلایی كاظم با همان زبان خودش می گفت: آیه این نیست.قسمت اول را به همراه دنباله‌ اش می ‌خواند و شمارۀ آیه و نام سوره ‌اش را هم می ‌گفت.سپس بخش وسطی را با قبل و بعد آن می ‌خواند و بعد بخش انتهایی را به همین ترتیب بیان می ‌کرد. در نتیجه ایشان از همان جلسۀ اول نزد آیت ‌الله بروجردی جلوه كردند. مرحوم کربلایی کاظم بسیار مورد توجه آیت ‌الله بروجردی قرار گرفته بود؛ به گونه‌ای که گاهی در حدود دو ساعت می نشستند و با هم صحبت می كردند. این امر برای من جای پرسش داشت؛ چون آن زمان آیت ‌الله بروجردی، در اوج مرجعیت شیعه و زعامت عامه بود و كربلایی كاظم هم فرد بی ‌سوادی بود که در ظاهر هیچ سنخیتی با ایشان نداشت. من بعد ها از مرحوم آقای سید اسماعیل علوی و پدر خودم پرسیدم كه آیت‌الله بروجردی به چه دلیل چنین توجهی به ایشان داشتند؟ پدر من در پاسخ، بر دو نكته بسیار تأکید می كردند: نخست اینکه آیت‌ الله بروجردی، وجود شخص کربلایی كاظم را حجتی در زمان ما می ‌دانستند.شخصی كه كاملاً بی ‌سواد بود، با عنایت ویژه ‌ای حافظ قرآن شده بود؛ به گونه‌ ای که حتی ویژگی ‌های سوره ‌ها و آیه ‌ها را نیز می‌ شناخت. این امر از آن‌ رو اهمیت داشت که در آن زمان، تفكر ماتریالیستی و مادی ‌گرایانۀ حزب توده، به ویژه در محافل علمی و دانشگاهی بسیار جا افتاده بود. هرچند این حزب سرکوب شده بود، اما مبانی فکری آن در بین جوانان و جامعۀ روشن ‌فكری آن زمان، به تفكر غالب تبدیل شده بود. مرحوم آیت ‌الله بروجردی نیز با دیدگاه گستردۀ خود، به همة جنبه ‌ها توجه داشتند و معتقد بودند كه معرفی مرحوم کربلایی كاظم به جوانان به عنوان حجتی در روزگار ما، كار بسیار مهمی است؛ مطلب دوم كه برای آیت ‌الله بروجردی بسیار مهم بود، بحث تحریف قرآن بود. در بین علمای شیعه اختلاف است كه آیا قرآن تحریف شده است یا خیر. آیت ‌الله بروجردی، خود قایل به عدم تحریف قرآن بودند؛ اما بسیاری از بزرگان ما، مانند مرحوم صاحب كفایه ـ ‌رضوان ‌الله ‌تعالی‌علیه‌ ـ در این مسئله شك و شبهه داشتند. آیت‌الله بروجردی به گونه های مختلف کربلایی کاظم را آزمایش کردند تا اینكه برای ایشان ثابت شد واقعاً قرآن به آن مرحوم عنایت شده است. در این صورت، قرآنی كه به ایشان عنایت شده است، باید همان قرآنی باشد كه به رسول اكرم ـ‌ صلوات ‌الله‌ و سلامه ‌علیه‌ـ نازل شده است و در نتیجه نباید هیچ گونه تحریفی در آن وجود داشته باشد. آیت‌الله بروجردی نیز بار ها همۀ مواردی را كه احتمال تحریف در آنها وجود داشت، از ایشان می ‌پرسیدند و كربلایی كاظم هم که هیچ‌ اطلاعی دربارۀ بحث تحریف قرآن نداشت، فقط آیاتی را كه از او پرسیده می‌ شد، می‌ خواند. آیت ‌الله بروجردی در برخی موارد، بعضی از آیات و سوره ‌ها را چندین بار به گونه‌ های مختلف تغییر می دادند؛ مثلاً کلماتی را که برخی از بزرگان مانند مرحوم میرزا حسین نوری معتقد بودند که جزو قرآن بوده و حذف شده است، در آیه می ‌آوردند و می خواندند. كربلایی كاظم آیه را تصحیح می كرد و می گفت: نه؛ این طور نیست؛ پس از این كلمه، آن كلمه است. بحث اثبات عدم تحریف قرآن، یكی از مسائلی بود كه بسیار مورد عنایت آیت ‌الله بروجردی بود و من شنیدم كه ایشان پس از آشنایی با کربلایی کاظم، قایل شده بودند كه هیچ تحریفی در قرآن صورت نگرفته است و در این زمینه، اطمینان یافته بودند. خود من این خاطره را دارم كه جلسه‌ای در منزل ما برگزار شد و حدود ده تا پانزده نفر از علما همچون حضرت امام، حاج‌ آقا مرتضی حائری و مرحوم حاج فقیهی رشتی، و نیز آقای اسماعیل علوی و کربلایی کاظم حضور داشتند. پس از صرف نهار، نوبت به آزمایش کربلایی کاظم رسید. حاضران كتاب شرح لمعه را برای آزمون انتخاب کردند. این كتاب به زبان عربی است و در جای ‌جای آن، آیه و حدیث نیز هست. این کتاب را پیش روی کربلای کاظم گذاشتند. ایشان دست می گذاشت و متن عربی شهید را رد می كرد؛ چون نمی توانست بخواند؛ روایت ‌ها را هم نمی ‌توانست بخواند و رد می كرد؛ اما وقتی به یك كلمۀ قرآن می ‌رسید، آن را می خواند. آنچه موجب تعجب من بود، این بود كه کلماتی مثل «الله» را که در متن مرحوم شهید و حتی در روایت بود، نمی ‌دید و نمی ‌توانست بخواند؛ اما در آیه قرآن می ‌توانست بخواند. این آزمایش را چندین بار انجام دادند؛ مثلاً مواردی را مشخص كرده بودند كه آیه و روایت به هم آمیخته بود؛ دو کلمۀ یکسان ـ مثلاً «الله»ـ را به او نشان دادند و گفتند كه این «الله» است؛ آن هم «الله» است. کربلایی کاظم گفت: من نمی دانم آنجا چه چیزی است؛ اما به آیه كه می رسم، نور سبزی هست؛ با این نور، من آن آیه را می بینم و می توانم بخوانم؛ اما غیر آن را نمی توانم بخوانم. بنابراین، ایشان این كلمات و نوشته ‌ها را نمی ‌دید؛ بلکه آنچه می دید، ورای نوشته‌ ها بود. با اینكه «الله»همان است كه در قرآن هست، اما کلمۀ الله را در جملۀ «رحم الله» در كلام مرحوم شهید، نمی دید؛ ولی در آیۀ قرآن می دید. من خودم این را در آن جلسه دیدم. به این ترتیب، مرحوم کربلایی کاظم به برکت عنایتی که دربارۀ او شده بود، در مجامع علمی قم در آن زمان، جا افتاد. در حوزه، هر مطلبی به ‌زودی پذیرفته نمی شود؛ هركس ادعایی كند، علما آن را بسیار می ‌سنجند تا جا بیافتد؛ اما داستان کربلایی كاظم و اینکه واقعاً قرآن به او عنایت شده است، در میان علما پذیرفته شد. مرحوم كربلایی كاظم حجتی است برای کسانی که غیر از زندگی ظاهری را نفی می كنند.همچنین مؤمنین و علما که معتقدند لیس العلم بكثرة التفهم والتفهیم، به برکت عنایتی که به ایشان شد، این معنا را به صورت حق الیقین درك كردند. مرحوم كربلایی كاظم از كسانی بود كه باعث شد افراد، آنچه را به صورت علم الیقین باور داشتند، به صورت حق الیقین باور کنند. بنابراین ایشان هم بر حوزه حق دارد، هم بر عامۀ مردم. مرحوم آقای سید اسماعیل علوی نقل می كردند كه وجود ایشان در اراک، تحولی در ایمان مردم و جوانان ایجاد كرد. در آن زمان، جنبه ‌هایی كه موجب روی ‌گردانی جوانان از دین شود، كم نبود و جوان هنگام ورود به دبیرستان و دانشگاه، بی‌درنگ مورد هجمۀ

[26 Mar 2014] Two killed in clashes between student protesters & security at Cairo University - English

[11 May 2014] Afghanistan election results due on Wednesday, runoff vote expected - English

[17 May 2014] Egyptian expats vote in presidential election - English

[22 May 2014] Egypt Election Commission: Sisi gets 94.5% of expat vote in pres. election - English

[28 May 2014] Egypt Election Commission: Voter turnout about 37% for 1st 2 days of election - English

[15 June 2014] People in Pakistan protest govt. ban on road travel to Iran - English

[18 June 2014] Abdullah makes vote-fraud allegations - English

[19 June 2014] The Debate - US Iraq Involvement (P.1) - English

[19 June 2014] The Debate - US Iraq Involvement (P.2) - English

[20 June 2014] Thousands rally in Yemen, demand army halt strikes against Houthis - English

[22 June 2014] The Debate - US Iraq Interference (P.1) - English

[22 June 2014] [22 June 2014] The Debate - US Iraq Interference (P.2) - English

[26 June 2014] Iran burns 50 tons of seized illegal drugs - English

[04 July 2014] Coffee in Palestine - israel continues policy of ethnic cleansing of Palestinians in Jericho (P.1) - Engl

[04 July 2014] Coffee in Palestine - israel continues policy of ethnic cleansing of Palestinians in Jericho (P.2) - English

[08 July 2014] Abdullah Abdullah slams election results in Afghanistan presidential vote - English

[14 July 2014] Sarajevo citizens organized peaceful protest against the violence in Gaza Strip - English

[27 July 2014] Sydney protesters hold fresh anti-Israel rally - English